Lindley M. Garrison to Woodrow Wilson

It is so difficult for us to get together for a real talk that I think it better for me from time to time, as I think of important matters, to write you for mutual benefit.
I have been giving all the time that I could possibly spare from other duties to considering the Philippine situation, which, in the minds of all those who know anything about it, is esteemed to be of great importance to this country and of supreme importance to the Filipino people.
I have not had time yet to allow my ideas to settle, but such of those as are prominent enough to recur whenever I consider the matter, I wish to state to you.
It must be remembered that there are at least forty islands large enough to merit separate consideration; perhaps thirty different languages spoken; and something like thirty different strains of blood among the people. An approximation to homogeneity of purpose will be necessary before a cohesive federal government, independent of all other governments, could have hope of success. Whether any such situation exists, I do not know. Absolutely contrary opinions are given by those who seem to have had practically similar experience as a basis for judgment.
What I individually would do, had I complete jurisdiction in the premises, would be along these lines:I would search for and obtain the most wide-awake, vigorous, well equipped man of insight, judgment and broad vision, that I could find, and I would make him Governor General. In commissioning him I would have you take occasion to outline the attitude of the Administration towards the Philippines. This is esteemed to be extremely important by all who know, irrespective of what solution of the problem each reaches. Its importance consists in its quieting effect upon the situation there. It is represented that those people are in a state of disquietude and unrest because they do not know our attitude. My own outline at present would start with a brief, comprehensive, compact statement of the problem; then a reference to the fact that this Administration, if it is to act wisely – particularly in view of the fact that it is asked to act permanently and irretrievably – must have time to gather from disinterested and sympathetic sources information; and then make and enact a wise conclusion. Therefore, there should not be, in our judgment, any irretrievable legislative determination, pending the inquiry, consideration and deliberation just spoken of as necessary.
I should state that the unquestioned doctrine, based upon the American tradition, previous statements of the Executive, and the frequent declarations by our party, was freedom, governmentally, of the Filipino people. For the purpose of demonstrating, in the only way capable of being demonstrated, that the Filipino people were capable of self-government, I should advise that, either by Executive action, if that is possible without further legislative enactment, or by legislative enactment, the Philippine legislature in both branches should be given a majority of Filipinos, retaining a veto power either in the Governor General or the Secretary of War or the President, – an executive veto and not a legislative veto as is contained in one of the present Acts which permits Congress to annul laws of the Philippine legislature. This would only require a change in the selection of the Executive Council. The Executive Council, as you know, is now composed of appointive officers selected by the President, and is practically the Senate with the Cabinet contained therein. I should not substantially alter the present form of government, but I should appoint Filipinos to enough of the positions in the Executive Council to give them a majority there. Of course they already wholly compose the second chamber. With a majority in both branches they would set about governing legislatively, and through Cabinet ministers largely administratively, their country. Careful observation would then be able within a relatively short time to determine their capacity. I would not at present suggest so radical a change as the election of the Executive Council. Such an election would in any event take a long time and be cumbersome. The Christian population of the Islands is supposed to be about 7,000,000, and at the last election for members of the second chamber there were only 240,000 votes cast. I really doubt whether there is enough cohesion at present to enable them to select from the whole body of the electorate properly qualified men for the Executive Council. I think their selection by us should still be retained. We would endeavor, of course, in selecting Filipinos to serve on this Council, to get the very best men and those who are most satisfactory to the people there.
I am not wedded to this scheme, but I have not been able to devise any other that so nearly fits the situation and so nearly shapes the matter up for our judgment in a way to make our judgment of real value. I consider that such a proposition has every particle of merit that is in the Jones bill, without the very positive perils that every one who is unprejudiced sees in that bill. I realize that if no definite period is fixed when we will surely grant independence, we are always open to the suspicion and charge that we are not acting in good faith; but if we are acting in good faith and wisely, I am not in favor of doing otherwise merely to avoid unfounded charges and suspicions; and I am not willing personally to hazard a guess as to the date when a so-far insoluble puzzle will be solved.
I have not discussed this situation at all with the Filipino representatives as yet, not wishing in any way to commit the Administration to anything, as I desire first to have a full understanding with you. I have discussed this matter with leading Americans, – among others, Senator Hitchcock, the Chairman of the Senate Committee having charge of Philippine Affairs; Mr. Jones, and others; – and no one has raised an objection thereto which seemed to me to have any real weight.
I am very averse to asking a man who is so overburdened as you are at the present time, to give me sufficient time to make our interview worth while. I realize that a hasty conversation upon this Philippine matter would be a waste of our time. When you find yourself in a position that you can readily give me as much time as we both know is necessary, will you advise me?As at present informed, I think we should not do more right off than name the Governor General. If he could proceed there immediately, he could work in with the Vice Governor and the other members of the Commission until somewhat acquainted with the situation. We could utilize the time in sifting out the great mass of material necessary to be sifted before we can get satisfactory men for the other positions. I would not attempt to fill the entire Commission now. It might be well, of course, to send out some other one or two than the Governor General. All this will be made the subject matter of our talk and consideration.