Walter Hines Page to Woodrow Wilson

Problems of organization for larger and permanent cooperation with the British press. I have telegraphed about the War Conferences which the European Allies have held from time to time. The next Conference will come about the middle of July. Mr. Balfour thinks, and I think, that our Government ought to be represented. The Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary and the War Minister will probably attend it, with a General as a military expert. The larger policies regarding the conduct of the war are considered. Incidentally these Conferences bring to light the incredible friction between the Allies and their apparently irreconcilable differences. It is not a happy family. For instance, the Italian Prime Minister, I hear on good authority, has already served notice that his Government will not be represented at the next Conference if peace with Austria is to be discussed. Here comes the everlasting question of boundaries. Italy opposed to the last the deposition of King Constantine. A communication that I am sending to the Department from the Greek Minister here, by the instruction of his Government, throws light on the Italian attitude. Then, too, there is the perpetual and baneful Trade-Union of Monarchs. Almost every country that has a King is opposed to the deposition of any King. The Czar, the King of Spain, the King of Italy and presumably Queen Alexandra at least, of England, who is Constantine's aunt, used their influence to the utmost to save him. These cross-currents of dynasties, the special ambitions for territory of practically every continental Ally, which of course conflict, the commitments of England herself to some of them, made to get them or to keep them in the warall these make such a tangle as to defy logical adjustment; and underneath the surface, a quarrel is always imminent. When Lloyd George told me this morning that any effort to make a separate peace with AustriaHungary or Bulgaria was premature because it seemed wise to wait and to see whether Russia will fight again, he did not know that I knew of Italy's unwillingness to discuss peace with Austria; and if Italy is unwilling to discuss peace with Austria, she is unwilling, of course, to discuss peace with Bulgaria. Lloyd George gave me one reasonno doubt a good one, but there was also another and stronger reason in his mind. Perhaps we ought to be represented at these Conferences, if for no other reason, to get a clear insight into these strong controversies and differences under the surface. To judge only from such as have come, and as constantly coming to my knowledge, they are numerous and exceedingly embarrassing.

Some weeks ago there was a more or less general fear here lest France herself might say, "Well, I've almost exhausted myself: I can go no further. Great Britain must carry on the war." The coming in of the US gave her new spirit and new hope. This accounts in some measure for the extraordinary display of sentiment when General Pershing reached Paris.I cannot say how much cold truth there is in this quitegenerallyheld British opinion. But I do know that it has much to do with their profound appreciation of our help.

Again, the French and the Italians lose no love for one another. A little while ago a British warship unfortunately sank an Italian submarine in the Mediterranean. When the a French Deputies heard of itso the story here runsthey applauded.

And againthe friction between the Australians and Canadians and the British sometimes reaches seriousness. There is likely to be a stiff controversy when the lid is lifted.

As for the Belgian Governmentexcept the King and the Prime Ministerthe British opinion is the opinion that men hold of a yellow dog.

Many such seamyside pieces of information come to me but only as reflected and refracted by English minds. I imagine we ought to learn themsuch as are trueauthoritatively. I get them by sometimes eating three meals a day and committing other such intimacies with these men who have attended these Conferences. Regarding the establishment of a military mission herethat seems necessary and urgent. Men, committees, commissions come, some bringing credentials from some Department of our Government and some bringing none; and in not a few cases several of them seek the same information that was given to their predecessors a week or two weeks ago. Then they go away. In a few more weeks new information is acquired and nobody gets that. This whole business of our Government seeking information from this Government ought to be systematized & coordinated. Officers of our Government of technical training ought to remain heremost of the subjects dealt with are militaryand inquiries shd be made of this Commission by all branches of our Government, and all inquiries shd come to them. About this, too, I have telegraphed. The principal Allied Governments have just such a practical working arrangement. I have telegraphed about this, too.The British views that reach me in army circles are as cheerful and hopeful as the news that comes from navy sources is discouraging. There is no danger of a serious shortage of food for any period that may be foreseen. But the general informed fear is of a very serious lack of such materials as oils, steel, copper etc. etc. for uses both for the fleet and for the army. There is no doubt of a very grave fear raised by the submarines. The Admiralty is much dejected. No submarine "antidote" has been found. A few are sunk. But their inroads on shipping do not diminishin tonnage lost they rather increase. This is a gloomy outlook.

On the other hand if British army opinion be worth anything, the ultimate utter beating of the German army is certain; but nobody knows when. The morale of the Germans (the British think) constantly gets lower. But there are vast armies that must yet be killed before the Germans will ha to give in. The feeling here is that if the submarine success were discouragingly diminished, the spirit of the German army would quickly fail.The multitudinous tasks of preparation in the US, reported, but reported very briefly in the London papers, make a most favorable impression and these reports are read here most gratefully. In their gratitude there is a confession of the Allies' dire need of our helpa far more urgent need than anybody confesses or than anybody realizes but the men who know the inside facts. I have had momentary fears that the British may depend on us too much and expect too mucha state of mind that, however much we do, will lead to disappointment. But there is yet no evidence of this. And I am glad to say I have yet seen no evidence to show that the British will "lie down on us"relax their efforts because we are now helping. They are not built that way. They have vices and they are not always easy to live with or to fight and die with, and we shall have our troubles with them. But I do not expect them to try to put their own tasks on us. Their continental Allies have depended too much on British help, and the British have keenly felt the unfairness of being too heavily leant on.In fact nothing cd keep these nations all together a week but dire necessity: it's another case of all hanging together or all hanging separately.Two facts mark the successful progress of the war the fall of Kings: all thrones are unsteadier; and the steady fall of the mark. Its decline was greatly accelerated by our coming into the war. This decline is a measure of the judgment of the world on the struggle.Northcliffe's errand is causing criticism here, which was inevitable. He has many bitter enemies, being a stimulating and contentious fellow. He has done good service in many (perhaps most) of his crusades; for most of them have been directed against more or less incompetent men. He indulges in crusades rather than criticism. But I think the criticism of him has now spent itself. And, since he has no diplomatic authority, and is a business man of extraordinary ability and energy, I think his appointment a good one. Our Government may deal with him very frankly. He is the friendliest of Englishmen to us. His papers have all been singularly fair to us. He knows and likes the US, and it is very well worth our while to show our appreciation of his friendliness and helpfulness. Any attention that you yourself may show him will bear good fruit. He is perhaps the most powerful man now living in Great Britainhow much by reason of and how much in spite of his methods, it wd be hard to say. For the 20 years that I have known him, he has done our country steady and useful service in his vast influence on British opinion.