Thomas Nelson Page to Woodrow Wilson

I scarcely know where to begin this letter, so many thiings have happened since my last. The first and greatest, however, seems to me in view of its effect present and future, to be your address to the Congress which led to our entry into the war. I find it difficult in writing to you to speak of it as I would like. There are some things, however, which take away the personal and leave only that which is impersonal, fundamental and abiding, and your message to the Congress and to the world is one of them. It seems to me that it was the fitting climax to all that you have said before and have done before. Doubtless you will have seen or heard enough of its effect, both in America and in England and France, reports of which are so much fuller than from Italy, not to be interested in the expressions, not only here; but evidently in Germany also, for the Emperor's recent manifesto about liberalizing the government of Prussia was undoubtedly forced from him by your trumpet call to Democracy. The resumé of your address was delivered in Austria by the Italian aeroplanes as good ammunition for countries fighting for Democracy and peace. There is talk also of having the address posted in every commune in Italy. Meantime I am having it carefully translated into Italian, with a view to publishing it in pamphlet form so that it may reach the whole people, for I cannot imagine anything that would serve our country better than to have your presentation of the fundamneental principles of our life brought to the attention of the Italian public in more permanent form than that of the daily press. I have been interesting myself recently in trying to advance what I believe will prove to be of real permanent benefit to our country,- direct financial relations between Italy and America. It will probably all be decided long before this letter reaches you; but it will explain to you why I should have done so. I feel certain that this will be the only way for us to counter the efforts which have already been made to pre-empt for her other allies after the war Italian financial and, incidentally, commercial relations. Incidentally, I am trying to get through in this same connection our suggested naturalization treaty, in the way of which the Italian Government has recently found so many difficulties. I have not in any way suggested this as a condition as a precedent; but I hope if our Government enters into direct financial relations, I may on the same tide get our naturalizaition ttreaty agreed to. Irrespeclctive of this, however, I think it would be a very excellent thing for us to open direct financial relations with Italy, which feels most sensibly being so absolutely under the financial control of other countries which, whether expressed or not, have certain political interests not always in entire accord with those ogf Italy, whereas, whatever political interests we might have, could in no sense conflict with those of Italy.
I have been applying myself recently to obtaining all the information possible as to matters which have a relation to our interests, and with these in view, to organizing a sort of intelligence department, for the purpose of getting and translating into English whatever may appear in the press bearing upon anything touching our political interests. Naturally, the purely commercail side of this comes within the province of our consuls, who furnish a certain amount of this information; but I feel thtat in the present exigency there should be more than this, and I have organized a committee to follow this up more closely and to present the information regularly, translating whatever may seem sufficiently important. Naturally, this will require some outlay of money and I have telegraphed the Department, asking whether there were any funds which could be applied to meet the expenses of an intelligence department here, which would not be very large. I have found myself rather cramped in matter of assistance of late, especially iin the last few weeks, having had only two trained secretaries, Messrs. Jay and Richardson; but fortunately I have been able to avail myself of the services of three intelligent young men, whom I had taken on as private secretaries. On entering the war, these young men have all offered their services to the country, as I have had the pleasure of telegraphing the Department, and one of them, James Bruce, (who is my nephew, being the son of Cabell Bruce, of Baltimore,) leaves to-night with young , Ronald Lambert Tree, (who has been on a visit to us (grandson of Judge Tree, our former Minister to Russia, and of Marshall Field, of Chicago,) for France to take a military course at a French school preparatory to entering our service or, perhaps I should say, preparatory to receiving orders as to where to report. The other two young men, Mr. Arthur Bliss Lane and Mr. Benjamin Riggs, although they also have offered their services, I have held on to, as young Lane has performed the services, both of a third secretary and of head clerk, in charge of the accounts of the Embassy, and I could not dispense with him at this time. Riggs is the translator.
You will pardon my mentioning these personal itmes of my little official family which perhaps may seem more important to me than it could possibly be to you; but I have wanted to make this Embassy an efficient factor in our foreign relations and to do so I must have competent assistance. I have written asking the Secretary if it cannot be arranged for young Lane to stand the examination here and to be appointed here as third secretary, as I understand has been done in one or two cases. He knows the business thoroughly and, as I say, has recently been doing the work of two men since I found it necessary to get rid of the former head clerk, whom I had found some reason to distrust, at least in regard to his discretion. Moreover, I am not sure that unless my young man could be placed under orders, he will not find the tug to follow my other young men to the front too strong for him.
Believe me, my dear Mr. President, always,