Cary T. Grayson Diary
Title
Cary T. Grayson Diary
Creator
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938
Identifier
WWP17145
Date
1919 April 24
Source
Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library, Staunton, Virginia
Language
English
Text
The President got up early, had breakfast at 8:15, and immediately went to his study, where he worked until 11:00 o’clock. At that hour the Big Four resumed their conference. The Italian situation had developed materially overnight. Orlando and Sonnino had held a number of conferences which had lasted until five o’clock in the morning, and before the Big Three met Orlando sent a request to Lloyd-George to visit him at their hotel, which Lloyd-George did. Orlando requested the British Premier to arrange for another conference on the Adriatic-Fiume situation, which Lloyd-George promised he would do. The Big Three session resolved itself into a further discussion of the Fiume situation and applicability of the Pact of London to present Italian demands. Lloyd-George told the President that Orlando wanted a meeting in the afternoon and that he (Orlando) would appreciate it very much if, in order to “save his face” the meeting was held at the home of Lloyd-George. Naturally the President had no objection whatever to going there for a meeting of this character, and it was arranged that this should be done. The question of the effect of the Italians leaving was discussed by the Big Three, and it was the consensus of opinion that it could have no real effect on the outcome of the negotiations with Germany. As a matter of fact, it developed later that the French attitude was that Italy in insisting on having Fiume ceded to her had of her own volition violated the Pact of London, thereby making impossible any insistence by Italy that Great Britain and France refrain from signing a separate peace. This was officially given out as the French attitude and did a great deal to depress the Italians who had believed that the President was acting entirely on his own initiative in issuing his now famous statement of principle.
Just before lunch, Orlando sent his secretary to see the President. When he arrived the President was in conference with Clemenceau and Lloyd-George. As Orlando’s secretary was leaving the President’s study, Lieutenant Mantoux (?), the French officer who was selected by Clemenceau on his own initiative to act as the personal interpreter of the Conference, and who is a member of the French General Staff, joined him in the hall and said to Orlando’s secretary that Mr. Clemenceau did everything he could to prevent the President’s statement from being published and that he (Clemenceau) regretted its publication exceedingly; that he had heard Clemenceau say this; he also said that Clemenceau though it was a great mistake and that he would do everything in his power to correct it. As a matter of fact, this was a direct lie and simply illustrated the manner in which the lesser French officials have attempted to reflect their own views and to interpret the opinions of their chiefs without knowing what their chiefs actually believed. This is not the first time this same individual has tried to do the same thing.
Dr. J. Chalmers DaCosta, the noted Philadelphia Surgeon, who is serving as a Lieutenant Commander in the Navy during the emergency, called today to pay his respects. He had arrived on the GEORGE WASHINGTON and was chagrined over the publication prior to his departure of a story that intimated that he had been hurriedly summoned to France in connection with the President’s health. He told me that he knew nothing whatever about the story but that he had come here in accordance with routine orders. He told me that he hoped that I would see that I wrote everything regarding the personal side of the President’s visit to Europe and the developments from day to day. “Write, write, write”, he said to me; “everything that takes place here should be chronicled - and you are the only person in a position to chronicle the facts for the generations to come.” Doctor DaCosta then related a story of a Philadelphia Republican, who had gone to hear the President when the latter was campaigning as a candidate for Governor of New Jersey. The man had listened to the speech for about five minutes when he suddenly seized his hat and started out of the hall. A friend stopped him and said: “What’s the matter? Where are you going? This is a good speech. You ought to hear it.” To which the Republican replied: “Yes, I know it is a good speech, but if I stay here that man will convert me and make a Democrat out of me.” Doctor DaCosta said that while he had never met the President, he had followed his writings and he was convinced that the President was the greatest author, as well as the greatest statesman that the United States ever produced.
The President, Mrs. Wilson and I had lunch at one o’clock, and after lunch the President and I had a long talk. He showed me some of the maps which he keeps in his study and called my attention to the various points under discussion. He went into the subject of the Pact of London in detail and explained just what promises it carried in Italy’s behalf. He also told me what would happen should the Pact of London be rigidly adhered to, especially in view of the conflicting claims and the necessity for Italy surrendering certain privileges which were granted her the time at a time when the solidarity of Austria-Hungary seemed certain. The President told me that so far as he was concerned there would be no compromise on a question of principle which was so sharply defined as the present one, and he made it very plain that he would let Lloyd-George and Clemenceau both understand before the afternoon session was concluded that they must decide whether they would break with Italy or break with the United States should Italy refuse to accept the principles of self-determination in the settlement of the Adriatic problem. He recalled that Lloyd-George and Clemenceau, as well as Orlando, had agreed when the armistice was signed with that the principles underlying the fourteen points would be the principles that would be their guide in arriving at final determinations, and the President was simply insisting that they make good the promises which America had accepted whole-heartedly.
It was very clear from the information which had reached the President that Clemenceau and Lloyd-George had been taking one position while they were with the President and assuming another when they debated the Adriatic question with the Italians. It was also very clear that Colonel House had been telling the Italians that in the last analysis they would find that the President would compromise, and that he (House) would be able to persuade him to do so. As a matter of fact, what House had apparently been trying to accomplish was to have Orlando defeat the Italian claims and have the President pocket his principles and permit him (House) to arrive at a settlement based entirely on his ideas of what a compromise should be regardless of how it fitted in with the announced principles upon which the President had taken such a determined stand. It was rather singular that Colonel House, when the President read his statement to him, had approved it completely and whole-heartedly, and yet within a very few moment after the President left he was endeavoring to bring about a compromise that would entitle him to further consideration as the King of Compromisers.
The afternoon seesion was held at Lloyd-George’s house and until 6:30 in the evening the President, Clemenceau, Lloyd-George, Orlando and Sonnino debated the merits of Italy’s claims. Orlando insisted that he could not himself settle the problem and said that it would be necessary for him to go back to Italy at eight o’clock in order that he might make a complete explanation to the Italian people and to the Italian Parliament. The meeting finally adjourned without any decision having been reached, and an official communique, which was issued, simply stated that the Italian question had been debated without a definite conclusion having been reached and that Orlando would proceed to Rome in the hope that the Italian public would Parliament would be able to assist in bringing about an amicable agreement. Orlando went to the Italian headquarters from the meeting at the Lloyd-George house and went to on to Rome at 8:30 in the evening. Before leaving he said that he hoped to come back but that he would have to find out exactly how the Italian people felt before he could decide what his future course of action would be. The President’s statement on Fiume and the Adriatic had not been printed in Italy before Orlando left, but he promised that he would see that it was printed in full together with his own rejoinder as soon as possible.
Tired out by the events of the day and unable to secure much-needed exercise, the President retired reasonably soon after dinner.
I dined at the Ritz with Mr. Henry Morgenthau, who had just came back from Turkey. Most of the guests were Red Cross officials.
While the meeting was in progress during the afternoon I took advantage of the opportunity to get a little fresh air for a couple of hours by visiting the thoroughbred training farm of W. K. Vanderbilt, at Poissy, just outside of Paris. The Vanderbilt trainer, Mr. William Duke, received us and said that Mr. Vanderbilt regretted that he could not be there; that he had an engagement which was previously made, and was unable to be there; he requested us, however, Mr. Duke said, to come sometime when he could be there. Mr. Duke showed me his horses and his training tracks, which are very fine in every way. After having inspected the stables we were invited by Mr. Duke to go to the house for tea. He said: “We have tea here for every one but there is a liberal supply of champagne in the house for any one who does not want tea. Whereupon Colonel Percy L. Jones scratched his head and said: “To be perfectly frank with you, I am not a tea-drinking man.” It developed that there were others in the party who were not tea-drinking men.
Just before lunch, Orlando sent his secretary to see the President. When he arrived the President was in conference with Clemenceau and Lloyd-George. As Orlando’s secretary was leaving the President’s study, Lieutenant Mantoux (?), the French officer who was selected by Clemenceau on his own initiative to act as the personal interpreter of the Conference, and who is a member of the French General Staff, joined him in the hall and said to Orlando’s secretary that Mr. Clemenceau did everything he could to prevent the President’s statement from being published and that he (Clemenceau) regretted its publication exceedingly; that he had heard Clemenceau say this; he also said that Clemenceau though it was a great mistake and that he would do everything in his power to correct it. As a matter of fact, this was a direct lie and simply illustrated the manner in which the lesser French officials have attempted to reflect their own views and to interpret the opinions of their chiefs without knowing what their chiefs actually believed. This is not the first time this same individual has tried to do the same thing.
Dr. J. Chalmers DaCosta, the noted Philadelphia Surgeon, who is serving as a Lieutenant Commander in the Navy during the emergency, called today to pay his respects. He had arrived on the GEORGE WASHINGTON and was chagrined over the publication prior to his departure of a story that intimated that he had been hurriedly summoned to France in connection with the President’s health. He told me that he knew nothing whatever about the story but that he had come here in accordance with routine orders. He told me that he hoped that I would see that I wrote everything regarding the personal side of the President’s visit to Europe and the developments from day to day. “Write, write, write”, he said to me; “everything that takes place here should be chronicled - and you are the only person in a position to chronicle the facts for the generations to come.” Doctor DaCosta then related a story of a Philadelphia Republican, who had gone to hear the President when the latter was campaigning as a candidate for Governor of New Jersey. The man had listened to the speech for about five minutes when he suddenly seized his hat and started out of the hall. A friend stopped him and said: “What’s the matter? Where are you going? This is a good speech. You ought to hear it.” To which the Republican replied: “Yes, I know it is a good speech, but if I stay here that man will convert me and make a Democrat out of me.” Doctor DaCosta said that while he had never met the President, he had followed his writings and he was convinced that the President was the greatest author, as well as the greatest statesman that the United States ever produced.
The President, Mrs. Wilson and I had lunch at one o’clock, and after lunch the President and I had a long talk. He showed me some of the maps which he keeps in his study and called my attention to the various points under discussion. He went into the subject of the Pact of London in detail and explained just what promises it carried in Italy’s behalf. He also told me what would happen should the Pact of London be rigidly adhered to, especially in view of the conflicting claims and the necessity for Italy surrendering certain privileges which were granted her the time at a time when the solidarity of Austria-Hungary seemed certain. The President told me that so far as he was concerned there would be no compromise on a question of principle which was so sharply defined as the present one, and he made it very plain that he would let Lloyd-George and Clemenceau both understand before the afternoon session was concluded that they must decide whether they would break with Italy or break with the United States should Italy refuse to accept the principles of self-determination in the settlement of the Adriatic problem. He recalled that Lloyd-George and Clemenceau, as well as Orlando, had agreed when the armistice was signed with that the principles underlying the fourteen points would be the principles that would be their guide in arriving at final determinations, and the President was simply insisting that they make good the promises which America had accepted whole-heartedly.
It was very clear from the information which had reached the President that Clemenceau and Lloyd-George had been taking one position while they were with the President and assuming another when they debated the Adriatic question with the Italians. It was also very clear that Colonel House had been telling the Italians that in the last analysis they would find that the President would compromise, and that he (House) would be able to persuade him to do so. As a matter of fact, what House had apparently been trying to accomplish was to have Orlando defeat the Italian claims and have the President pocket his principles and permit him (House) to arrive at a settlement based entirely on his ideas of what a compromise should be regardless of how it fitted in with the announced principles upon which the President had taken such a determined stand. It was rather singular that Colonel House, when the President read his statement to him, had approved it completely and whole-heartedly, and yet within a very few moment after the President left he was endeavoring to bring about a compromise that would entitle him to further consideration as the King of Compromisers.
The afternoon seesion was held at Lloyd-George’s house and until 6:30 in the evening the President, Clemenceau, Lloyd-George, Orlando and Sonnino debated the merits of Italy’s claims. Orlando insisted that he could not himself settle the problem and said that it would be necessary for him to go back to Italy at eight o’clock in order that he might make a complete explanation to the Italian people and to the Italian Parliament. The meeting finally adjourned without any decision having been reached, and an official communique, which was issued, simply stated that the Italian question had been debated without a definite conclusion having been reached and that Orlando would proceed to Rome in the hope that the Italian public would Parliament would be able to assist in bringing about an amicable agreement. Orlando went to the Italian headquarters from the meeting at the Lloyd-George house and went to on to Rome at 8:30 in the evening. Before leaving he said that he hoped to come back but that he would have to find out exactly how the Italian people felt before he could decide what his future course of action would be. The President’s statement on Fiume and the Adriatic had not been printed in Italy before Orlando left, but he promised that he would see that it was printed in full together with his own rejoinder as soon as possible.
Tired out by the events of the day and unable to secure much-needed exercise, the President retired reasonably soon after dinner.
I dined at the Ritz with Mr. Henry Morgenthau, who had just came back from Turkey. Most of the guests were Red Cross officials.
While the meeting was in progress during the afternoon I took advantage of the opportunity to get a little fresh air for a couple of hours by visiting the thoroughbred training farm of W. K. Vanderbilt, at Poissy, just outside of Paris. The Vanderbilt trainer, Mr. William Duke, received us and said that Mr. Vanderbilt regretted that he could not be there; that he had an engagement which was previously made, and was unable to be there; he requested us, however, Mr. Duke said, to come sometime when he could be there. Mr. Duke showed me his horses and his training tracks, which are very fine in every way. After having inspected the stables we were invited by Mr. Duke to go to the house for tea. He said: “We have tea here for every one but there is a liberal supply of champagne in the house for any one who does not want tea. Whereupon Colonel Percy L. Jones scratched his head and said: “To be perfectly frank with you, I am not a tea-drinking man.” It developed that there were others in the party who were not tea-drinking men.
Original Format
Diary
Files
Collection
Citation
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938, “Cary T. Grayson Diary,” 1919 April 24, WWP17145, Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.