Thomas Nelson Page to Woodrow Wilson
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I sent the Secretary yesterday a telegram containing the minutes of the conversation I had just had with Baron De Bildt, the Swedish Minister, who had asked me to make an appointment with him for a serious purpose. He began by saying that he had informed me once that he would come to me when he felt that the time had come when America might take some step to end the war and he felt now that this time had come and that America was the only country that could take such a step. He said the Germans were, he believed, about to make a proposal containing peace terms which would prove an apple of discord among the Allies. He thinks that this proposal will probably be made from Venice when it falls in their hands, as it is likely to do very soon. And he felt it necessary that this move should be countered, which might be done either by your forestalling Germany or by your being ready with some counter proposals. He then proceeded to outline the terms which he said he believed might be accepted by both sides. These terms I sent in my telegram from a minute which I made in his presence.
Baron De Bildt is a man of high standing, a trained diplomat, and a liberal, most friendly to the Allies. Furthermore, he has always been in close sympathy with the important steps which you have taken on behalf of the cause of Humanity and Liberty. The significance of what he said to me, however, rests rather on his having informed me that he had not himself alone worked out the plan which he submitted; but that he had talked with Signor Tommaso Tittoni, until recently the Italian Ambassador at Paris, and that Signor Tittoni is so close to Signor Giolitti, who has just come back into public life after having been substantially driven from Rome at the time that Italy entered the war. The reference to the part of the Trentino which Italy might get would be less than Austria offered her just before she entered the war points distinctly, I think, to Giolitti who at that time secured a proposition through Prince Von Bülow, the German Ambassador here, to give up a part of the Trentino together with other concessions. If my conjecture that Tittoni and Giolitti unite in the views expressed by De Bildt it would indicate a situation here and a state of mind in influential circles which will have to be taken into account. It has always been said that Tittoni and Giolitti were strongly in favor of Italy's making peace.
I have sent Colonel House a copy of the telegram and a letter putting him en rapport with the situation here, which certainly seems to me serious enough; but which I believe is not so serious that it cannot be turned into one which may result in the defeat of the German and Austrian armies on the historic lines of the Po and the Mincio from which many a victorious army has been driven out of Italy in disastrous defeat.
The following is an extract from my letter to Colonel House: "When the Chamber convened last Wednesday, the sixteenth, speeches were made by the President, an old Garibaldian, and by the Prime Minister, Orlando, and all the other surviving ex-Prime Ministers, except Sonnino, who had recently spoken before the Chamber on the occasion when the former Ministry was voted out. A speech was also made by a Socialist Deputy and the vote which was immediately taken was a vote of confidence in the Government, nem. con. There was a great feeling of relief everywhere that the Government had been unanimously sustained and in fact it represented Italy solidly determined to resist. There was, however, in certain thoughtful circles a great feeling of disappointment that Giolitti had not spoken more strongly in favor of the Government instead of simply contenting himself with a phrase or two to the effect that it was the duty of everyone in this crisis to stand by the Government. It had been supposed that he was going to make a short but strong and ringing speech, and it is conjected that something occurred between the time when he arrived, two or three days before, and the time when he spoke which caused him to change his mind and make a merely perfunctory three minutes' speech. I hear that he consented to speak only on the condition that he should be treated with respect in the Chamber and that his appearance should not cause any attack upon him. I hear also that Orlando who used to be a great friend of his was much disappointed that he did not indorse the Government more strongly. From all of this you can readily understand that the political situation here is not altogether what on the outside it appears to be. I believe, however, that the Government will stand, because I feel that in the present juncture everyone, whatever his personal opinions may be, is obliged to stand ostensibly by the Government. For the present situation, while critical, is one which may be saved, and can only be saved by the Italian Armies fighting for the salvation of Italy; and this they can do only if the people stand solidly behind them. This in turn will be done if the Government is able to assure the men that their families will be fed. And here we come to what is really the crux of the matter. From all reports, Italy has grain to last her only through January, and she must be provisioned and supplied with coal, steel, benzine, and the necessaries of life for a country at war. The allowance at present to a family of six persons, mother and five children, for their support while the father is at the front is only about Lire 2.50 per day, which is only about five cents a day per capita at the present rate of exchange. If the Government does not take some efficient steps to increase this stipend, I do not see how the people can live. I feel that they must be taking this matter into consideration, for I hear that this is regarded as the great danger.
"I will not go further into this matter at this time.
"The Military situation appears to me to be serious enough, but to be better than might have been expected a week or two ago. The Italian Armies at the front are doing excellent fighting and appear to be well in hand. The Second Army, a portion of which opened the way for the enemy to come through, while other portions fought with unsurpassed courage until they were overwhelmed, is now being reorganized at a point sufficiently far from the front to be safe, yet where the troops can be utilized at need. The order issued that all troops absent from their commands without leave would be declared deserters and liable to military execution, and all persons harboring them would be liable to punishment in the penitentiary for considerable terms, brought the great body of disorganized troops back to their colors, and with them thousands of others who had not returned from leave or had deserted before, and I hear that they sing a song now of which the refrain is "Oggi dissertori, domani Vincetori - that is, deserters today, conquerors tomorrow. The fact is that the men were desperately tired and bored, and the people at home were lonely and worn, and this débacle has, so to speak, waked them up. The betrayal of their lines by any part of the Italian Army – and I do not think it was a large part – has been a terrific blow at the "amour propreof Italy, and I think that the people mean to wipe out the stain on even that part of their army. According to all I hear, the troops are fighting finely; but I also hear that the situation is a grave one because the Germans and Austrians have today, according to serious reports, about two men to one Italian along the Italian front, and four guns to one Italian gun. They are employing their Verdun tactics and flinging their men in solid masses against the points which they are endeavoring to overwhelm, and appear quite indifferent to their own losses. Indeed, I have heard that at crucial points their losses amount at times to twenty-five Germans and Austrians to one Italian. It seems to be the opinion of those who are assumed to know, that the Piave line is only held in parts at present, and that the Adige line, which is much-talked about, will be rendered untenable if the enemy breaks through in the Trentino and the Italian Army will have to fall back to the Po-Mincio line. Indeed, I believe that steps are being taken now to provide for this. It cannot, however, be accomplished without danger, especially to the Third Army which is still defending the lower reaches of the Piave. I think I am interpreting the real feeling, though certainly not views which have been expressed, of those who are responsible here when I say that whatever aid can be rendered here will be of great value, and that either a declaration of war or the sending of American troops, if only five thousand men, into Italy would have a very great effect, and if it can be done, nothing would do more to further the Cause for which we stand.
Incidentally, I would say that should the Mincio line be taken up, it will leave eight Italian Provinces in the hands of Austria, together with a number of the best cities in Italy, including Venice , and the refugees therefrom, which today are reckoned at a half million, will immediately increase to two million.
Before closing I want to say that, with reference to the conversation I had with Baron De Bildt, I informed him that his proposal appeared to me quite impossible of practical acceptance, but while I was definitively opposed to it personally, such matters did not rest with me; and though I believed his idea impracticable, I would send a minute of them on for information, in view of the source from which they came."
Believe me, my dear Mr. President, always,
Tho. Nelson Page
Your address before the Labor Convention at Buffalo has produced a strong impression here. The Press has copied a considerable part of it and declares it a blow equal to any which you have struck before at the enemies of Liberty.
T.N.P.
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