Rochelle S. Yarros to Helen Bones
Title
Rochelle S. Yarros to Helen Bones
Creator
Yarros, Rochelle S.
Identifier
WWP25073
Date
1918 July 11
Description
Acquaintance writes to Helen Bones about Professor Lomonosoff.
Source
Library of Congress, Woodrow Wilson Papers
Publisher
Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum
Subject
World War, 1914-1918--Russia
United States--Foreign relations--Russia
Wilson, Woodrow, 1856-1924--Correspondence
Contributor
Anna Phillips
Relation
WWP25072
Language
English
Provenance
Document scan was taken from Library of Congress microfilm reel of the Wilson Papers. WWPL volunteers transcribed the text.
Text
My dear Miss Bones:
I hope you will not think I presume too much upon my slight personal acquaintance with you. We know each other far better through our friends than through our brief meeting. In my heart I feel quite sure that you know me well enough to be willing to let me tell you how thoroughly unhappy and stirred I am over the unfortunate episode of Professor Lomonosoff. Were it only for the apparent unjust treatment of this fine man, I still would not go to you, in spite of my great friendship for him and his wife. But my love for this country and also my love for Russia, where I was born, justifies me in bringing to you the following facts.
Professor Lomonosoff, from my own knowledge and that of many other Russians, had a very wonderful standing in his own community in Russia, among both Radicals and Conservatives. Since 1905 he has occupied an important Government position and even the Tsar and the Supreme Court deemed it unwise to remove him because of the great technical service he was able to perform for Russia as an expert in railroads and means of transportation. He was sent to the United States with the power of a Minister of Transportation, by the Kerensky Government, with independent means from the Ministry of Transportation, with all the rights to purchase needed locomotives and other railroad supplies and arrange for their transportation. He might have come alone had it not been that, quite independently, it was decided by the same Government to send Mr. Backmetieff as a representative of the Diplomatic Service.
From the beginning there was a fundamental difference between the ideas of Professor Lomonosoff and those of Mr. Backmetieff, as to how best to gain American sympathy and aid. Professor Lomonosoff, who had been at the Front for a number of months, was quite convinced that the Russians were at the end of their endurance and were absolutely out of the question as a fighting force to the Allies. He saw clearly that the thing that must be made plain to the American people was that there was great danger that if aid did not come to the Russians from the Allies, they were sooner or later bound to accept aid from Germany. As a matter of fact, events proved that he was right in this; that the downfall of the Kerensky Government and the coming of the Bolsheviki meant in the mind of the peasants peace and land.
With the appearance of the Bolsheviki Government, the American people lost for a while their sympathy with Russia and when their interest gradually revived, there were two questions that were constantly asked of Professor Lomonosoff and the other Russians: With whom are we to deal? and How are we to be sure that the things we sell or give to Russia will not fall into the hands of the Germans?
To the first question Professor Lomonosoff answered that there were in Russia definite economic organizations with whom to deal. To the second he answered until the last month or so: “You must take your chances just as you do in sending things to Belgium.” But the American merchants, even those philanthropically inclined, could not see it in that light. After a while, as the Bolsheviki Government was not overthrown and the Soviets became stronger, and also as material aid was not being sent to Russia which therefore was suffering more and more and seemed on the verge of accepting aid from Germany, Professor Lomonosoff answered to this second question: “If you want actual guarantees for protection, let us begin to negotiate with the Soviet Government.”
It is hard for anyone but a true Russian to understand what Japanese intervention means. The fear that it would permanently kill the young Democracy, which as a final resort preferred Germany to Japan, was so great that all watched with the most intense interest the attitude of the President on this subject. The rejoicing of Professor Lomonosoff and other Russians, was tremendous when they saw that the President’s attitude pointed to non-intervention. All of us who appreciated under what tremendous pressure the President was holding that attitude, felt that it was of the utmost importance to educate public opinion and for that reason we turned to Professor Lomonosoff for help in placing before the American people our views, that from the Russian point of view and from the American point of view intervention was dangerous. Moreover it was necessary to show the Russians also the truly democratic stand which the President was taking; and in both these ways Professor Lomonosoff has performed a valuable service.
Now Professor Lomonosoff has been removed by Mr. Backmetieff although according to law Mr. Backmetieff had not the power to do this. He was not only removed, but also humiliated because of false accusations of aiding Germany in advocating negotiating with the Soviets. And apparently his removal was acquiesced in by the Department of State.
To treat a man like Professor Lomonosoff, with his wonderful influence over his own countrymen both here and in Russia, in this way at a time so critical as is the present, seems a most unwise thing to do. We need the influence of such men at this time to interpret sympathetically the United States to Russia, whatever action may be decided upon. If the Russians in the United States learn how Professor Lomonosoff has been treated; that he has been dismissed, apparently with the sanction of the Department of State,, I greatly fear that it may lead to much misunderstanding and, to the young Russian Democracy, which is just beginning to understand and to trust us, it may be a great blow.
I am sorry that this letter is so long, but how else could I put the facts before you as I see them? I hope that you will forgive me and I pray that if you find it possible to put this interpretation before President Wilson, that you will do so, in the name of our common cause, the struggle to free the world for democracy. If you find that you cannot do this, I shall still appreciate your good intentions and be grateful to you.
Very sincerely yours,
Rochelle S. Yarros, MD
I hope you will not think I presume too much upon my slight personal acquaintance with you. We know each other far better through our friends than through our brief meeting. In my heart I feel quite sure that you know me well enough to be willing to let me tell you how thoroughly unhappy and stirred I am over the unfortunate episode of Professor Lomonosoff. Were it only for the apparent unjust treatment of this fine man, I still would not go to you, in spite of my great friendship for him and his wife. But my love for this country and also my love for Russia, where I was born, justifies me in bringing to you the following facts.
Professor Lomonosoff, from my own knowledge and that of many other Russians, had a very wonderful standing in his own community in Russia, among both Radicals and Conservatives. Since 1905 he has occupied an important Government position and even the Tsar and the Supreme Court deemed it unwise to remove him because of the great technical service he was able to perform for Russia as an expert in railroads and means of transportation. He was sent to the United States with the power of a Minister of Transportation, by the Kerensky Government, with independent means from the Ministry of Transportation, with all the rights to purchase needed locomotives and other railroad supplies and arrange for their transportation. He might have come alone had it not been that, quite independently, it was decided by the same Government to send Mr. Backmetieff as a representative of the Diplomatic Service.
From the beginning there was a fundamental difference between the ideas of Professor Lomonosoff and those of Mr. Backmetieff, as to how best to gain American sympathy and aid. Professor Lomonosoff, who had been at the Front for a number of months, was quite convinced that the Russians were at the end of their endurance and were absolutely out of the question as a fighting force to the Allies. He saw clearly that the thing that must be made plain to the American people was that there was great danger that if aid did not come to the Russians from the Allies, they were sooner or later bound to accept aid from Germany. As a matter of fact, events proved that he was right in this; that the downfall of the Kerensky Government and the coming of the Bolsheviki meant in the mind of the peasants peace and land.
With the appearance of the Bolsheviki Government, the American people lost for a while their sympathy with Russia and when their interest gradually revived, there were two questions that were constantly asked of Professor Lomonosoff and the other Russians: With whom are we to deal? and How are we to be sure that the things we sell or give to Russia will not fall into the hands of the Germans?
To the first question Professor Lomonosoff answered that there were in Russia definite economic organizations with whom to deal. To the second he answered until the last month or so: “You must take your chances just as you do in sending things to Belgium.” But the American merchants, even those philanthropically inclined, could not see it in that light. After a while, as the Bolsheviki Government was not overthrown and the Soviets became stronger, and also as material aid was not being sent to Russia which therefore was suffering more and more and seemed on the verge of accepting aid from Germany, Professor Lomonosoff answered to this second question: “If you want actual guarantees for protection, let us begin to negotiate with the Soviet Government.”
It is hard for anyone but a true Russian to understand what Japanese intervention means. The fear that it would permanently kill the young Democracy, which as a final resort preferred Germany to Japan, was so great that all watched with the most intense interest the attitude of the President on this subject. The rejoicing of Professor Lomonosoff and other Russians, was tremendous when they saw that the President’s attitude pointed to non-intervention. All of us who appreciated under what tremendous pressure the President was holding that attitude, felt that it was of the utmost importance to educate public opinion and for that reason we turned to Professor Lomonosoff for help in placing before the American people our views, that from the Russian point of view and from the American point of view intervention was dangerous. Moreover it was necessary to show the Russians also the truly democratic stand which the President was taking; and in both these ways Professor Lomonosoff has performed a valuable service.
Now Professor Lomonosoff has been removed by Mr. Backmetieff although according to law Mr. Backmetieff had not the power to do this. He was not only removed, but also humiliated because of false accusations of aiding Germany in advocating negotiating with the Soviets. And apparently his removal was acquiesced in by the Department of State.
To treat a man like Professor Lomonosoff, with his wonderful influence over his own countrymen both here and in Russia, in this way at a time so critical as is the present, seems a most unwise thing to do. We need the influence of such men at this time to interpret sympathetically the United States to Russia, whatever action may be decided upon. If the Russians in the United States learn how Professor Lomonosoff has been treated; that he has been dismissed, apparently with the sanction of the Department of State,, I greatly fear that it may lead to much misunderstanding and, to the young Russian Democracy, which is just beginning to understand and to trust us, it may be a great blow.
I am sorry that this letter is so long, but how else could I put the facts before you as I see them? I hope that you will forgive me and I pray that if you find it possible to put this interpretation before President Wilson, that you will do so, in the name of our common cause, the struggle to free the world for democracy. If you find that you cannot do this, I shall still appreciate your good intentions and be grateful to you.
Very sincerely yours,
Rochelle S. Yarros, MD
Original Format
Letter
To
Bones, Helen Woodrow
Files
Collection
Citation
Yarros, Rochelle S., “Rochelle S. Yarros to Helen Bones,” 1918 July 11, WWP25073, World War I Letters, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.