Cary T. Grayson Diary
Title
Cary T. Grayson Diary
Creator
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938
Identifier
WWP17129
Date
1919 April 8
Source
Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library, Staunton, Virginia
Language
English
Text
I went into the President’s bedroom this morning and prescribed a bath for him - after which he had a ten-o’clock breakfast. He was feeling better but was a little “wabbly” on his feet, markedly showing the effects of the infection from which he had been suffering. His temperature was sub-normal. I am taking every precaution to prevent a recurrence, paying special attention to avoiding drafts and having the room properly heated with wood fires. I am trying to keep the President in an even temperature. As an added precaution, I advised him not to attend any meetings outside of his residence for a few days.
The President had his lunch today in the dining-room for the first time since his illness.
John Edward Nevin, of the International News Service, wrote me a confidential letter suggesting that in view of the mixed state of opinion in the United States, and of the fact that partisan newspapers were making capital out of the secrecy in connection with the Conference it would be wise for if the President could enlighten the American people as to exactly what was being done. What Nevin wanted was that the President keep in mind that when the time came for him to make a public statement, should that time come soon, it would be unfair to him (the President) not to explain the real reasons why it had been necessary to hold star chamber sessions of the Peace Conference. The reasons were obvious but the President very frequently overlooks placing himself in the broadest possible light in his desire to be extremely just to men who are nonwe too fair to him. I conferred with the President about the matter and he was much impressed with the force of Nevin’s suggestions. He remarked to me: “Nevin is a man of fine judgment; he is an excellent newspaperman, and, above all, he is a very loyal and staunch American citizen”. “And,” he added: “he is a good friend of mine.” The President gave Nevin’s suggestions his closest attention and valued them.
Today I sent the following message to Secretary Tumulty at the White House in Washington:
“The President is sitting up today. Am taking every precaution with him. Have no fear of his taking the bold step if necessary at the psychological moment. Your aid and presence were never needed more.”
The President was able to have the other members of the Big Four gather with him in his bedroom, and they held a conference that admittedly was extremely interesting. Incidentally, for the first time since the Peace Conference began, the seriousness of the existing situation seemed to have impressed itself upon the various members of the Peace Commissions who were stationed in this city.
Last night Lloyd George had left the British correspondents understand that he was preparing a statement which would he would make to them in lieu of an address to the members of the House of Commons who were importuning him to stand pat on England’s enormous indemnity demands. He said he would make this statement at three o’clock, but when three o’clock came he was in conference with the President, and after the conference adjourned he announced that he would not “make it for the present.”
Speaking on behalf of the French Government, M. Aubert told the American newspaper correspondents that France had reduced her demands to a complete minimum. He said that he had authority to say that they had no territorial aspirations but were perfectly willing that the frontier of should be the frontier fixed by the present Peace Conference. This would give them what the President has all along insisted they should have - Alsace-Lorraine. Aubert said that he did not believe that France had ever seriously pressed any claims for additional territory, which caused distinct amusement among the American newspaper correspondents, inasmuch as it was only a week ago when Aubert declared that under no circumstances would France consent to any treaty which did not give her complete ownership of the Saar Basin, and also created a Rhinish Republic to be utilized as a buffer state.
After the conference adjourned in the afternoon it was admitted that very material progress had been made along certain lines. In fact were it not that the President has gone through on several occasions with a similar experience only to find that the next day Clemenceau and his associates had gone back where they started from overnight, the outlook would have been more or less promising.
We had another splendid example of the “thrift” of the French Government as at present constituted. They had sent us a bill some days ago for nearly $7,000 for transportation for the President and his party on the special train. As a matter of fact, the American party on all of these trains has always been the minority party. Many of the cars on the train have been filled exclusively with French officers of high and low degree, and with French diplomats of various qualifications. To cap the climax, however, along came today a bill for 8,000 francs for food, which had been served on board this special train. Of course, the French attaches of the train had a very large share of the food that was consumed. The contrast in this and the manner in which the United States had handled the visits of Marshal Joffre, Viviani and the French High Commission was very striking. They were met at New York by representatives of the United States Government, were taken wherever they wanted to go on special trains, fully guarded and protected, were housed and all of their wants taken care of by the United States Government, and no bill of any kind was ever presented to France. As a matter of fact, Joffre himself was taken all the way to San Francisco and returned, while Viviani and other members of the Commission were taken as far West as Springfield, Illinois. It was rather curious, as I figured this out, to remember that the only “hospitality” which was being extended to the United States in Paris was the housing of President Wilson in the temporary White House. When the President left to go back to Washington on his hurried trip, he issued strict instructions to Colonel House to see that a suitable residence was leased for him and to have it ready for his return, the house to be equipped with American servants which he would bring back from the White House in Washington - the house to be entirely American in all of its functions. The President found, however, on his return that Colonel House, whose specialty had been saying YES, not only had not insisted upon this course but had accepted the French Government’s offer of the present quarters. The very fact that we found one man among the attendants who had first claimed not to understand English, and then developed an ability to converse entirely in that language, showed that the motive of the French Government was hardly one of hospitality but rather one of espionage. However, I may say that they were welcome to anything they could gather in the temporary White House.
I found the President very tired after the conference and took especial precautions to see that he did not suffer from the severe exertion in view of his weakened state. He said, however, that he felt very much better in mind, because he had been able personally to participate in the things for which he was responsible and had not been compelled longer to submit to trying to do business through an agent. I asked him to retire early, which he did. He went to bed about 9:30.
I had a good opportunity during this afternoon to get a line on the actual sentiment of the people of France. Jean Decrais, the son of the former French Ambassador to London, a man of about fifty years of age, came to see me. He told me that he had been lying awake nights simply appalled over his realization that the French Government did not represent the French people, and that Clemenceau and his little coterie of politicians did not realize that the best friend France had was President Wilson. He asked me to tell the President that he, speaking for both the rich and the poor people of France, whom he knew intimately and well, realized that the President was the true friend of France, and that it was the President who realized more than anything else just what France should have in order to retain her position and maintain her friendship. Decrais spoke English perfectly and was very plainly a man who had thoroughly investigated French public opinion. Therefore, this statement which he especially gave me for the President meant a great deal more than had it come from some othefr source.
The President had his lunch today in the dining-room for the first time since his illness.
John Edward Nevin, of the International News Service, wrote me a confidential letter suggesting that in view of the mixed state of opinion in the United States, and of the fact that partisan newspapers were making capital out of the secrecy in connection with the Conference it would be wise for if the President could enlighten the American people as to exactly what was being done. What Nevin wanted was that the President keep in mind that when the time came for him to make a public statement, should that time come soon, it would be unfair to him (the President) not to explain the real reasons why it had been necessary to hold star chamber sessions of the Peace Conference. The reasons were obvious but the President very frequently overlooks placing himself in the broadest possible light in his desire to be extremely just to men who are nonwe too fair to him. I conferred with the President about the matter and he was much impressed with the force of Nevin’s suggestions. He remarked to me: “Nevin is a man of fine judgment; he is an excellent newspaperman, and, above all, he is a very loyal and staunch American citizen”. “And,” he added: “he is a good friend of mine.” The President gave Nevin’s suggestions his closest attention and valued them.
Today I sent the following message to Secretary Tumulty at the White House in Washington:
“The President is sitting up today. Am taking every precaution with him. Have no fear of his taking the bold step if necessary at the psychological moment. Your aid and presence were never needed more.”
The President was able to have the other members of the Big Four gather with him in his bedroom, and they held a conference that admittedly was extremely interesting. Incidentally, for the first time since the Peace Conference began, the seriousness of the existing situation seemed to have impressed itself upon the various members of the Peace Commissions who were stationed in this city.
Last night Lloyd George had left the British correspondents understand that he was preparing a statement which would he would make to them in lieu of an address to the members of the House of Commons who were importuning him to stand pat on England’s enormous indemnity demands. He said he would make this statement at three o’clock, but when three o’clock came he was in conference with the President, and after the conference adjourned he announced that he would not “make it for the present.”
Speaking on behalf of the French Government, M. Aubert told the American newspaper correspondents that France had reduced her demands to a complete minimum. He said that he had authority to say that they had no territorial aspirations but were perfectly willing that the frontier of should be the frontier fixed by the present Peace Conference. This would give them what the President has all along insisted they should have - Alsace-Lorraine. Aubert said that he did not believe that France had ever seriously pressed any claims for additional territory, which caused distinct amusement among the American newspaper correspondents, inasmuch as it was only a week ago when Aubert declared that under no circumstances would France consent to any treaty which did not give her complete ownership of the Saar Basin, and also created a Rhinish Republic to be utilized as a buffer state.
After the conference adjourned in the afternoon it was admitted that very material progress had been made along certain lines. In fact were it not that the President has gone through on several occasions with a similar experience only to find that the next day Clemenceau and his associates had gone back where they started from overnight, the outlook would have been more or less promising.
We had another splendid example of the “thrift” of the French Government as at present constituted. They had sent us a bill some days ago for nearly $7,000 for transportation for the President and his party on the special train. As a matter of fact, the American party on all of these trains has always been the minority party. Many of the cars on the train have been filled exclusively with French officers of high and low degree, and with French diplomats of various qualifications. To cap the climax, however, along came today a bill for 8,000 francs for food, which had been served on board this special train. Of course, the French attaches of the train had a very large share of the food that was consumed. The contrast in this and the manner in which the United States had handled the visits of Marshal Joffre, Viviani and the French High Commission was very striking. They were met at New York by representatives of the United States Government, were taken wherever they wanted to go on special trains, fully guarded and protected, were housed and all of their wants taken care of by the United States Government, and no bill of any kind was ever presented to France. As a matter of fact, Joffre himself was taken all the way to San Francisco and returned, while Viviani and other members of the Commission were taken as far West as Springfield, Illinois. It was rather curious, as I figured this out, to remember that the only “hospitality” which was being extended to the United States in Paris was the housing of President Wilson in the temporary White House. When the President left to go back to Washington on his hurried trip, he issued strict instructions to Colonel House to see that a suitable residence was leased for him and to have it ready for his return, the house to be equipped with American servants which he would bring back from the White House in Washington - the house to be entirely American in all of its functions. The President found, however, on his return that Colonel House, whose specialty had been saying YES, not only had not insisted upon this course but had accepted the French Government’s offer of the present quarters. The very fact that we found one man among the attendants who had first claimed not to understand English, and then developed an ability to converse entirely in that language, showed that the motive of the French Government was hardly one of hospitality but rather one of espionage. However, I may say that they were welcome to anything they could gather in the temporary White House.
I found the President very tired after the conference and took especial precautions to see that he did not suffer from the severe exertion in view of his weakened state. He said, however, that he felt very much better in mind, because he had been able personally to participate in the things for which he was responsible and had not been compelled longer to submit to trying to do business through an agent. I asked him to retire early, which he did. He went to bed about 9:30.
I had a good opportunity during this afternoon to get a line on the actual sentiment of the people of France. Jean Decrais, the son of the former French Ambassador to London, a man of about fifty years of age, came to see me. He told me that he had been lying awake nights simply appalled over his realization that the French Government did not represent the French people, and that Clemenceau and his little coterie of politicians did not realize that the best friend France had was President Wilson. He asked me to tell the President that he, speaking for both the rich and the poor people of France, whom he knew intimately and well, realized that the President was the true friend of France, and that it was the President who realized more than anything else just what France should have in order to retain her position and maintain her friendship. Decrais spoke English perfectly and was very plainly a man who had thoroughly investigated French public opinion. Therefore, this statement which he especially gave me for the President meant a great deal more than had it come from some othefr source.
Original Format
Diary
Files
Collection
Citation
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938, “Cary T. Grayson Diary,” 1919 April 8, WWP17129, Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.