Walter Hines Page to Robert Lansing

GHWPlain.

CORRECTED COPY

London.

Dated Aug. 15, 1917.

Recd. Aug. 16, 8 A. M.Secretary of State.
Washington, D. C.6959, August fifteenth.

I received this morning from the Foreign Office a note informing me "That His Holiness the Pope has requested His Majesty the King to forward to the heads of those States with whom the Holy See is not in diplomatic relations the accompanying document addressed to the heads of the Belligerent States by His Holiness containing certain proposals for general peace.
"Following is the full text:
(French Translation)
To the Rulers of the Belligerent peoples:

From the beginning of our pontificate, in the midst of the horrors of the awful war let loose on Europe, we have had of all things three in mind: To maintain perfect impartiality towards all the belligerents as becomes him who is the common father and loves all his children with equal affection; continually to endeavor to do them all as much good as possible, without exception of person, without distinction of nationality or religion, as is dictated to us by the universal law of charity as well as by the supreme spiritual charge with which we have been intrusted by Christ; finally, as also required by our mission of peace, to omit nothing, as far as it lay in our power, that could contribute to expedite the end of these calamities by endeavoring to bring the peoples and their rulers to more moderate resolutions, to the serene deliberations of peace, of a "just and lasting" peace.

Whoever has watched our endeavors in these three grievous years that have just elapsed could easily see that while we remained ever true to our resolution of absolute impartiality and beneficent action, we never ceased to urge the belligerent peoples and Governments again to be brothers, although all that we did to reach this very noble goal was not made public.

About the end of the first year of the war we addressed to the contending nations the most earnest exhortations and in addition pointed to the path that would lead to a stable peace honorable to all. Unfortunately our appeal was not heeded and the war was fiercely carried on for two years more with all its horrors. It became even more cruel and spread over land and sea and even to the air, and desolation and death were seen to fall upon defenseless cities, peaceful villages and their innocent populations. And now, no one can imagine how much the general suffering would increase and become worse if other months or, still worse, other years were added to this sanguinary triennium. Is this civilized world to be turned into a field of death and is Europe, so glorious and flourishing, to rush, as carried by a universal folly, to the abyss and take a hand in its own suicide?

In so distressing a situation, in the presence of so grave a menace, we, who have no personal political aim, who listen to the suggestions or interests of none of the belligerents, but are solely actuated by the sense of our supreme duty as the common father of the faithful, by the solicitations of our children who implore our intervention and peace bearing-word, uttering the very voice of humanity and reason, we again call for peace and we renew a pressing appeal to those who have in their hands the destinies of the nations. But no longer confining ourselves to general terms, as we were led to do by circumstances in the past, we will now come to more concrete and practical proposals and invite the Governments of the belligerent peoples to arrive at an agreement on the following points which seem to offer the bases of a just and lasting peace, leaving it with them to make them more precise and complete.

First, the fundamental point must be that the material force of arms give way to the moral force of right whence a just agreement of all upon the simultaneous and reciprocal decrease of armaments, according to rules and guarantees to be established, in the necessary and sufficient measure for the maintenance of public order in every State; then, taking the place of arms, the institution of arbitration with its high pacifying function, according to rules to be drawn in concert and under sanctions to be determined against any State which would decline either to refer international questions to arbitration or to accept its awards.

When supremacy of right is thus established, let every obstacle to ways of communication of the peoples be removed by insuring through rules to be also determined the true freedom and community of the seas, which, on the one hand, would eliminate many causes of conflict, and, on the other hand, would open to all new sources of prosperity and progress.

As for the damages to be repaid and the cost of the war, we see no other way of solving the question than by setting up the general principle of entire and reciprocal condonation which would be justified by the immense benefit to be derived from the disarmament, all the more as one could not understand that such carnage could go on for mere economic reasons. If certain particular reasons stand against this in certain cases, let them be weighed in justice and equity.

But these specific agreements with the immense advantages that flow from them are not possible unless territory now occupied is reciprocally restituted. Therefore, on the part of Germany, total evacuation of Belgium with guarantees of its entire political, military and economic independence toward any power whatever; evacuation also of the French territory; on the part of the other belligerents, a similar restitution of the German Colonies.

As regards territorial questions, as for instance those that are disputed by Italy and Austria, by Germany and France, there is reason to hope that in consideration of the immense advantages of durable peace with disarmament, the contending parties will examine in a conciliatory spirit, taking into account as far as it is just and possible, as we have said formerly, the aspirations of the population, and if occasion arises adjusting private interests to the general good of the great human society.

The same spirit of equity and justice must guide the examination of the other territorial and political questions, notably, those relative to Armenia, the Balkan States and the territories forming part of the old kingdom of Poland for which, in particular, its noble historical traditions and the suffering particularly undergone during the present war, must win, with justice, the sympathies of nations.

These, we believe, are the main bases upon which must rest the future reorganization of the peoples. They are such as to make the recurrence of such conflicts impossible and open the way for the solution of the economic question which is so important for the future and the material welfare of all the belligerent States. And so, in presenting them to you who, at this tragic hour, guide the destinies of the belligerent nations we indulge a gratifying hope, that they will be accepted and that we shall thus see an early termination of the terrible struggle which has more and more the appearance of a useless massacre. Everybody acknowledges on the other hand that on both sides the honor of arms is safe. Do not then turn a deaf ear to our prayer, accept the paternal invitation which we extend to you in the name of the divine Redeemer, Prince of Peace. Bear in mind your very grave responsiblity to God and Man; on your decision depend the quiet and joy of numberless families, the lives of thousands of young men, the happiness, in a word, of the peoples to whom it is your imperative duty to secure this boon. May the Lord inspire you with decisions conformable to His very holy will. May heaven grant that in winning the applause of your contemporaries you will also earn from the future generations the great title of pacificators.

As for us, closely united in prayer and penitence with all the faithful souls who yearn for peace, we implore for you of the divine spirit enlightenment and guidance.

Given at the Vatican, August 1, 1917 Benedictus P.M.XV.

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