George W. Jessup to [M. Hoke Smith]
Title
George W. Jessup to [M. Hoke Smith]
Creator
Jessup, George W.
Identifier
WWP16198
Date
1920 February 21
Description
George W. Jessup sends Cary T. Grayson a copy of a letter written in support of the League of Nations.
Source
Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library, Staunton, Virginia
Text
Copy—as sent each Senator
Dear Senator Smith
Perhaps you may get an idea of value from the following.
ARTICLE X.
Section One. From time to time the United States may deposit with the League of Nations the name or names of any nation or nations whose boundaries are recognized by the United States and which the United States believes are rightful boundaries. These particular boundaries will be specified and described in each document so submitted to the League.
Section Two. If all nations of the League of Nations, through suitable action of the League, will also recognize and approve the same national boundaries, after their having been submitted by the United States, then the United States will agree, providing that all the other nations in the League will also agree thereto, that the League of Nations, including the United States as a member, shall give notice to the world that these specified boundaries are definitely fixed and are universally recognized and that no external aggression against the nations whose boundaries are so recognized will be allowed without emphatic protest by the League, (or this might read,- “and that no external aggression will be allowed to change these boundaries without emphatic protest by the League.”) This does not in any way affect or limit any external aggression agreements already entered into by the nations which joined the League of Nations prior to the entry of the United States.
(Perhaps the best plan would be for the United States, after joining the League, to request that a Boundary Commission be appointed and that all boundaries be investigated and approved by the League. But this would bring up every boundary in the world for consideration, and to decide on all boundaries immediately would probably not be possible, as some are now open to dispute and in process of adjustment. But such a Boundary Commission could in time consider every boundary. Sections 1 & 2 would give the United States an immediate opportunity to start some boundary investigation plan ourselves and perhaps lead the way to later action by the League. At first we could consider the various small countries which especially need protection, while any larger, more difficult problems could be left in abeyance. Special Notice. We would not be obliged to rush into this boundary deciding question. Section One does not mention any dates or how many boundaries. We could cover the American countries first if preferable, although various small nations in Europe should be protected as soon as possible. We can let the near and distant future work things out. This should satisfy both sides of the present contoroversy on Article X.)
Section Three. Should any external aggression occur against any nation whose boundaries have been universally recognized by the League, the United States agrees, providing all other nations in the League of Nations will also agree, that should any case of external aggression arise against any nation whose boundaries have been recognized by the League, that then all nations in the League will have no communication or dealings whatever, in business or in any other way, with the offending nations or nations until withdrawal is made from the lands of the assailed territory and until suitable damages have been paid by the aggressive nation or nations to the assailed territory. These damages to be computed by the League of Nations.
Section Four. Regarding any action to be taken by the League of Nations in addition to that mentioned in Section Three. Should ----- percent of the members of the League, through action of the League, agree that certain additional action should be taken against any aggressive nation or nations, after some particular case arises, then the United States will consider in Congress just how far the United States will cooperate in the said additional action. But the United States will not be bound to take any action in addition to that mentioned in Section Three. In any case of further action by the United States, nothing shall be done without the consent of Congress.
Section Five. If at some future time, ----- percent of the nations in the League of Nations, through the League organization, should pass resolutions that an unusual, unexpected occasion has arisen and that certain external aggression is deemed right and proper, then the United States will be relieved of any obligation to continue its recognition of the boundaries in question, releasing us from acting according to Section Three.
--------------------------------
Some Explanations. An Article X plan along the above lines would start the United States without a single boundary being mentioned, and nothing will be done until we investigate and submit our ideas. This flexibility should help straighten out the perplexing external aggression question and it can be settled gradually.
The agreement in Section Three seems little enough after we have selected the particular national boundaries. Hardly anything less than this should be considered. It has nothing to do with war, but yet it will be a brake that will surely hold back any nation from pursuing an outrageous action against some other nation, making the likelihood of aggression far less. On the other hand, if we should desire to increase our police duties beyond Section Three, probably the way would open through Section Four, after Congress had considered the matter.
Section Five was simply added to make it more elastic. Some Senators might prefer to have something like this included - it is just an idea and I do not know what it is worth.
The plan would enable us to start, to choose the national boundaries we believe are right, with no time limit for this selecting - we can wait as long as may be desired before a single boundary is submitted to the League. We can make gradual progress with no obligation whatever to select more boundaries than we desire. Do you realize this point? Isn’t it a safe proposition? Of course, the phraseology of the various Sections will require correction - I have tried to give the general idea. Now I surely hope that you folks in the Senate will soon get together and agree on some compromise, then in the future the general League plans can be amended by full action of the League. You know very well that when we are taking our proper place by the side of the other nations, trying to follow up the work done by our brave boys,, many of whom died to save the world, then we can surely weiield sufficient influence to bring about any necessary changes.
George W. Jessup.
Dear Senator Smith
Perhaps you may get an idea of value from the following.
ARTICLE X.
Section One. From time to time the United States may deposit with the League of Nations the name or names of any nation or nations whose boundaries are recognized by the United States and which the United States believes are rightful boundaries. These particular boundaries will be specified and described in each document so submitted to the League.
Section Two. If all nations of the League of Nations, through suitable action of the League, will also recognize and approve the same national boundaries, after their having been submitted by the United States, then the United States will agree, providing that all the other nations in the League will also agree thereto, that the League of Nations, including the United States as a member, shall give notice to the world that these specified boundaries are definitely fixed and are universally recognized and that no external aggression against the nations whose boundaries are so recognized will be allowed without emphatic protest by the League, (or this might read,- “and that no external aggression will be allowed to change these boundaries without emphatic protest by the League.”) This does not in any way affect or limit any external aggression agreements already entered into by the nations which joined the League of Nations prior to the entry of the United States.
(Perhaps the best plan would be for the United States, after joining the League, to request that a Boundary Commission be appointed and that all boundaries be investigated and approved by the League. But this would bring up every boundary in the world for consideration, and to decide on all boundaries immediately would probably not be possible, as some are now open to dispute and in process of adjustment. But such a Boundary Commission could in time consider every boundary. Sections 1 & 2 would give the United States an immediate opportunity to start some boundary investigation plan ourselves and perhaps lead the way to later action by the League. At first we could consider the various small countries which especially need protection, while any larger, more difficult problems could be left in abeyance. Special Notice. We would not be obliged to rush into this boundary deciding question. Section One does not mention any dates or how many boundaries. We could cover the American countries first if preferable, although various small nations in Europe should be protected as soon as possible. We can let the near and distant future work things out. This should satisfy both sides of the present contoroversy on Article X.)
Section Three. Should any external aggression occur against any nation whose boundaries have been universally recognized by the League, the United States agrees, providing all other nations in the League of Nations will also agree, that should any case of external aggression arise against any nation whose boundaries have been recognized by the League, that then all nations in the League will have no communication or dealings whatever, in business or in any other way, with the offending nations or nations until withdrawal is made from the lands of the assailed territory and until suitable damages have been paid by the aggressive nation or nations to the assailed territory. These damages to be computed by the League of Nations.
Section Four. Regarding any action to be taken by the League of Nations in addition to that mentioned in Section Three. Should ----- percent of the members of the League, through action of the League, agree that certain additional action should be taken against any aggressive nation or nations, after some particular case arises, then the United States will consider in Congress just how far the United States will cooperate in the said additional action. But the United States will not be bound to take any action in addition to that mentioned in Section Three. In any case of further action by the United States, nothing shall be done without the consent of Congress.
Section Five. If at some future time, ----- percent of the nations in the League of Nations, through the League organization, should pass resolutions that an unusual, unexpected occasion has arisen and that certain external aggression is deemed right and proper, then the United States will be relieved of any obligation to continue its recognition of the boundaries in question, releasing us from acting according to Section Three.
--------------------------------
Some Explanations. An Article X plan along the above lines would start the United States without a single boundary being mentioned, and nothing will be done until we investigate and submit our ideas. This flexibility should help straighten out the perplexing external aggression question and it can be settled gradually.
The agreement in Section Three seems little enough after we have selected the particular national boundaries. Hardly anything less than this should be considered. It has nothing to do with war, but yet it will be a brake that will surely hold back any nation from pursuing an outrageous action against some other nation, making the likelihood of aggression far less. On the other hand, if we should desire to increase our police duties beyond Section Three, probably the way would open through Section Four, after Congress had considered the matter.
Section Five was simply added to make it more elastic. Some Senators might prefer to have something like this included - it is just an idea and I do not know what it is worth.
The plan would enable us to start, to choose the national boundaries we believe are right, with no time limit for this selecting - we can wait as long as may be desired before a single boundary is submitted to the League. We can make gradual progress with no obligation whatever to select more boundaries than we desire. Do you realize this point? Isn’t it a safe proposition? Of course, the phraseology of the various Sections will require correction - I have tried to give the general idea. Now I surely hope that you folks in the Senate will soon get together and agree on some compromise, then in the future the general League plans can be amended by full action of the League. You know very well that when we are taking our proper place by the side of the other nations, trying to follow up the work done by our brave boys,, many of whom died to save the world, then we can surely weiield sufficient influence to bring about any necessary changes.
George W. Jessup.
Original Format
Letter
To
Smith, Hoke, 1855-1931
Files
Collection
Citation
Jessup, George W., “George W. Jessup to [M. Hoke Smith],” 1920 February 21, WWP16198, Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.