Walter Hines Page to Woodrow Wilson
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Dear Mr. President
The Mexican problem, so far as it touches the British Government, seems to me to fall under these three heads:(1) Making this Government understand precisely what you are driving at and deny Huerta any help or comfort whatsoever and tell him so. This latter they have done very clearly, somewhat tardy as they were for lack of a quick understanding. About the obligations and inferences of democracy, they are dense. They are slow to see what good will come of ousting Huerta unless we know beforehand who will succeed him. Sir Edward Grey is not dense — very far from it — but in this matter even he is slow fully to understand the new policy. The Lord knows I’ve told him plainly over and over again and, I fear, even preached to him. At first he couldn’t see the practical nature of so “idealistic” a programme. I explained to him how the policy that we all too easily have followed for a long time of recognizing any sort of an adventurer in Latin America had, of course, simply encouraged revolutions; that you had found something better than any mere policy, namely, a principle, that policies change but principles do not; that he need not be greatly concerned about the successor to Huerta; that this is primarily and ultimately an American problem, and so on and so on. His sympathy and his friendliness are beyond any possible question. But Egypt and India, rather than Cuba, are in his mind. He said one day with a smile that it might take two centuries to bring the Mexicans to self–government. “Well,” said I, “the United States will be here for two centuries”. He still sees no escape from armed intervention. — But he is learning. And many men are seeing the new idea. (I wonder if you are conscious of how new it is and how incredible to the Old–World mind?) and they express sincere admiration for “your brave new President.” A wave of friendliness to the United States swept over the Kingdom when the Prime Minister took his stand in his Guildhall speech. Such hitherto unusual experiences as these are almost common now: At a dinner of the Titmarsh Club — a little group of Thackeray enthusiasts, to which I belong— Courtney, the Editor of the Fortnightly Review proposed your health in a capital little speech. The very next night at the big dinner of the largest of the guilds—successful businessmen— your health was given most heartily; and, when I arose to speak they cheered longer than I had ever heard a British dinner–audience cheer. There is, among the people (the shipping people excepted) a positive and definite enthusiasm for the U. S. — But they are simply dense about any sort of government for “dependencies” or backward people, but their own. I have a neighbor who spent many years as an administrator in India. He has talked me deaf about the foolishness of any other plan of dealing with Mexico than by the sword. He is wholly friendly but wholly incredulous. And for old–time Toryism gone to seed, commend me to The Spectator. Not a glimmering of the idea has entered Strachey’s head: I doubt if it ever does. The London Times, however, now sees it very clearly. Their editors have had much talk with me and they have written good ‘leaders’ out of our conversations. They are about to publish a South–American edition in Spanish, and in that they have made a clear explanation of the new principle. I am having many conversations with Central & South–American ministers here. In fact, I am having the whole staff of the Embassy incidentally to see as nearly as possible every Latin–American in the diplomatic corps and incidentally explain the whole thing— how this applies to our whole continent. Your Mobile, or Swarthmore, declaration against our acquiring new territory interests them all. I am having the principal Latin–American Ministers to lunch with me, one at a time; and I shall have something interesting to write you later, perhaps. Doing such work “incidentally” (they become talkative when grog & cigarettes are passed & the ladies have gone from the tables) is exceedingly interestingI get some interesting back–door news, too, now and then about this Government and the Mexican situation. I hear, for instance, that if you had declared in March that you would not recognize Huerta, this Government would have followed that cue. When you answered that you had not made up your mind or had not taken the subject up (it was during your first weeks in office) the commercial interests here used all their influence and this Government followed its old habit. Of course, they now see their mistake. — Again, a back–door report comes to me from the reputable newspaper world, that several sensible members of the Cabinet sought the Prime Minister and Sir Edward Grey and, having demanded to know what I had said to Sir Edward, insisted on an unequivocal declaration — surprised them by hinting at grave danger from public opinion in the U. S. if they were not prompt. The inference was that other members of the Cabinet were influenced by the great oil interests here. (I do not know) This Cabinet, you know, is an odd kettle of fish, and some of them are under suspicion at least by their opponents. — Lord Cowdray has as good a poker countenance as old John D. I met him soon after I came here, and I’ve run across him at intervals. When he sought me the other day, he was dead in earnest—exceedingly polite, inscrutable, but greatly concerned about his endangered property. He is an interesting man— that much is certain. The next day (the papers here having caught him at the Embassy) a lady of the highest quality of high station in political & social life, who has been very kind to Mrs. Page, called at my house and said to her: “You must never forget nor permit the Ambassador to forget, that all the Cowdray tribe are — liars. I know them all. My son married one of them. My daughter–in–law is the only one who knows how to tell the truth.” — But I am dropping into gossip. — Under the first general head, you may be sure if the enthusiastic friendliness of these people, and of the square deal and firm stand of Sir Edward.(2) Carden. It seemed to me better tactics to take up these heads in order — to get the general situation clear before making complaints against Carden, especially since I have received only the most general complaints. But I have already “poisoned” Sir Edward’s mind somewhat, and we are to take the subject up more fully when he returns in a few days from his visit to the King, in the country. Two years ago Mr. Knox and Mr. Reid made a bad blunder in sending merely general complaints against Carden — against his “anti–Americanism.” The result was a success only for Carden. I shall take himself up informally and use all the ammunition I have. My own impression is that he is the root of most of the trouble. But the State Dp’t has sent me only one new thing to accuse him of — his reported saying that the U. S. was using only bluff.(3) British commercial interests never sleep. We shall have more dealings on their account. But the way now seems clear and we can “tackle” them when they come. It seems to me that it may be with something in the future— Cowdray’s asking protection and his declaration that he has neither sought nor accepted any concession from Huerta. He is, by the way, very grateful for the prompt sending of one of our warships to the danger–point of his property. He informed me in a very confidential manner that the Waters–Pierce people are the “head–devils” in the whole trouble.__________The upshot of it all so far is that this Government and this people feel that there is a new hand at the helm in Washington; and we can drive them hard, if need be; for they will not risk losing our friendship. I have the utmost confidence in Sir Edward, but not in the same degree in all his cabinet associates — on a pinch. I have discovered that infallibility, wherever she live, dwells not in Downing Street: they make many mistakes. In this Mexican business they have made two bad blunders — recognizing Huerta (they see that now) and sending Carden, who lacks political imagination amazingly (they may be brought to see that, if he makes another “break.”)And I never expected to have the holy joy of putting the British Government through an elementary course in the meaning of Democracy!
Yours, Mr. President, with congratulations on the historic Wilson doctrine — no more territory, no more tyrants, no stealing of American governments by concessions or financial obligations (that’s fixed now: no successor can set aside a righteous principle once clearly formulated)— Yours most heartily and faithfully —Walter H. Page
To The President.
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