Nelson O'Shaughnessy to William Jennings Bryan

Title

Nelson O'Shaughnessy to William Jennings Bryan

Creator

O’Shaughnessy, Nelson Jarvis Waterbury

Identifier

WWP17981

Date

1913 August 27

Description

Nelson O'Shaugnessy writes to William Jennings Bryan about the Mexico situation.

Source

Wilson Papers, Library of Congress, Library of Congress, Washington, District of Columbia

Subject

Wilson, Woodrow, 1856-1924--Correspondence

Text

TELEGRAM RECEIVED CIPHER AND PLAIN.
B. From Mexico City,
Dated Aug. 27, 1913.
Rec’d Aug. 28, 11:45 am
Secretary of State,Washington, DC
FOUR FIFTY–SIX.
August 27, 9 pm
Referring to my cable four fifty-five, August 27, 4 pm

The Mexican Foreign Office is giving out the note addressed to Governor Lind under date of yesterday. I am therefore using my discretion and sending the translation thereof to the Department en claire appended indentureshereto.
A synopsis of the President’s message has been received here and a special meeting of the permanent commission of Congress is at this moment being held to consider it. I saw the Minister of Foreign Affairs this afternoon but he said that he could not give me the impression made by the message in Government circles until late tonight. I hope to cable later in the evening.
Sir:Yesterday I had the honor of receiving from your hands a note in which you are pleased to state that, although you have no instructions from the President of the United States of America, from the scope of your instructions you reply to the note of this Government, given to your through me, of the 16th instant. You are pleased to repeat from those same instructions the paragraph which translated says literally, “We wish to act in the present circumstances under the inspiration of the most lively and disinterested friendship. We propose, in all that we do or say by reason of this serious and interricate situation, not only to maintain the most srccrupulous respect for the sovereignty and independence of Mexico and we consider ourselves obligated to that respect by all the considerations of honor and right but as well to give all possible proofs that we are working only in the interests of Mexico and not for any person or group of persons who might have claims relating to themselves or to their properties in this country and who imight consider themselves with a right to demand their settlement. What we intend to counsel Mexico for her own good and in the interest of her own peace and with no other object of any kind. The Government of the United States would consider itself discredited if it had in mind any selfish or ulterior motive, considering that the negotiations in hand concern the peace, welfare and prosperity of a whole people. We are working, not with selfish interest but in accordance with the dictates of our friendship towards Mexico.” In spite of the fact that at the beginning of the note which I know answer you state that you lack instructions from the President of the United States of America after the statement which I have reproduced about you state in the name of that same President that the method indicated in my note of the sixteenth, instant, in so far as it concerns the recognition of the present Government (which I may say in passing is quite far from being a de facto Government, as you have chosen to qualify it) or of any other future Government of Mexico this iy you add is something which only the United States of America may decide, which in the exercise of its sovereign rights in this respect will not hesitate especially in times of serious domestic troubles to consummate in the judgment of the United States of America and not in that of Mexico, Mmay best best for this matter. You add that the President of the United States of America sincerely and ardently believes that my Government will see in the suggestions of His Excellency Mr. Woodrow Wilson the most feasible plan for serving our vital interests and for insuring the speedy reestablishment of our domestic tranquility. And always in the name of the President of the United States you submit to the consideration of my Government the three following propositions. (1) That the election called for the 16th of October of the present year, (the note sent to the Foreign Office by Mr. Lind stated October 26th and not 16th–) shall be held in accordance with the constitutional laws of Mexico,(2) That President Huerta, in the manner originally indicated by the President of the United States of America give the assurances called for in paragraph “c” of the original instructions. Paragraph which says literally “the consent of General Huerta to agree not to be a candidate in the coming elections for president of the Republic”.(3) That the remaining propositions contained in your original instructions shall be taken up later but speedily and resolved as circumstances permit and in the spirit of their proposal. You add furthermore, Mr. Confidential Agent, that the President of the United States of America has authorized you to say that if my Government “acts immediately and favorably upon the foregoing suggestions” that same President express to American bankers and their associates assurances that the Government of the United States of America will then look with favor upon the extension of an immedate loan sufficient in amount to meet the temporary requirements of the present Mexican administration. At the end of your note, Mr. Confidential Agent, you express the hope of your Government that my Government will judge it consistent with the best and highest interest of Mexico to immediately accept such propositions. That they are submitted in the same spirit and to the same end that my Government may act within it faculties without the cooperation or aid of any other outside factor. It appears at once, Mr. Confidential Agent, that in this case the proposal of His Excellency Mr. Woodrow Wilson is not to remove himself an iota from the position originally assumed by him, for notwithstanding the time consumed since the 16th, the date of my reply to the 25th, in which you delivered to me your second note which I am here answering, the essence and even the form of his original instruction are the same with the aggravating feature well qualified by you as “more restricted”. For my part it would have been sufficient to answer this note in its totally by reproducing the whole of my note of the 16th instant as negative as categorical, as I have the honor to reproduce it in this present note. But the President ad interim wishes to carry his forbearance to the last point and to the end that Mexican public opinion, which is so justly disturbed by the present tension in the diplomatic relations between the two countries and also to the end that the various foreign governments which offered their good offices in the most delicate possible manner, I am glad to repeat that this has been their attitude and not less pleased to express grateful acknowledgment thereof, may be duly informed, has authorized me to reply to you in the following terms. I will begin by taking notice of a highly significant fact. Between the night of the 14th instant a when I received the sheets containing your instructions not directed to any one and calling the present administration “the persons who at the present time have authority or exercise influence in Mexico”, and yesterday, some progress has been made in that now the constitutional President ad interim (see paragraph No. 2 of the new propositions) is called “President Huerta” and in the whole course of the note the personal of his administration is referred to as the “de facto Government” but inasmuch as this or that qualification in of no importance, upon the ground that all re the representations of your Government have not been initiaited except with ourselves which gives us, upon the supposition that we have been dispossessed of it, a perfect political and moral personality to clear up the present divergance, I intentionally limit myself solely rto point out the facts. If your original proposals were not to be admitted. They are now, in the more restricted form in which they are reproduced, even more inadmissable, and ones attention is called to the fact that they are insisted upon if it be noticed that the first proposals had already been declinesd. Precisely because we comprehend the immense value which is possessed by the principle of sovereignty which the Government of the United States so opportunely invokes in the question of our recognition or non–recognition, precisely for this reason we believe that it would never be proposed to us that we should forget our own sovereignty by permitting that a foreign government should modify the line of conduct which we have to follow in our public and independent life. If even once we were to permit the counsels and advice (let us call them thus) of the United States of America not only would we as I say above, forego our sovereignty but we would as well compromise for an indefinite future our destinies as a sovereign entity and all the future elections for president would be submitted to the veto of any pPresident of the United States of America. And such an enormity, Mr. Confidential Agent, no government will ever attempt to perpetrate and this I am sure of unless some monstrous and almost impossible cataclysm should ofcfcur in the conscience of the Mexican people. We believed, taking into consideration the disproportionate interest that the President of the United States of America has shown concerning our internal affairs that he as well as his Government would know perfectly well the provisions of our constition in the matter of elections. Unfortunatley and in view of the insistence with which His Excellency Mr. Wilson sustains his first ideas. We are compelled acknowledge that we have made a mistake. The reform of constuitutional article Nos. 78 and 109, put into effect by the congress of the union on November seven, nineteen eleven, provides among other requirements that which is contained in the final part of article seventy eight; “The Secretary of State in charge of the executive power shall not be elggible to the office of either President or Vice President when the elections shall take place”.This transcription which I take the liberty of making Mr. Confidential Agent, in order that the Government of the United States of America may take due note of it, prevents the constitutional ad interim President, of the Republic from being a candidate at the forthcoming elections; and if His Excellency President Wilson, had taken into consideration that paragraph before venturing to impose upon us the conditions in question and which we may not admit the present state of affairs between you and ourselves would have been avoided leaving out of the discussion our decorum and the personal pride of the President of the United States wrongly interested in this discussion without foundation.It should be well understoodxxx the ad interim constitutional President could not be elected President or Vice–President of the Republic at the forthcoming election already called for the twenty–sixth of October because our own laws prohibit him from being a candidate and these laws are the sole arbiters of our destinies. But never through the imposition although friendly and disinterested of the President of the United States of America or of any other ruler, powerful or weak (this does not matter in the case) who would be equally respected by us.I beg to inform you, Mr. Confidential Agent, that up to the present time, at least only the President of the United States of America has spoken of the candidacy of the Constitutional ad interim President at the forthcoming elections. Neither the solemn declaration of this high functionary or the most insignificant of his acts — all of which have been done with a view of obtaining a complete pacification of the country which is the supreme national aim and which he has decided to bring about in spite of everything — have authorized anyone even to suspect that such are his ultimate intentions. It is perfectly well known that there does not exist in the whole country a single news paper a single club, a single corporation, or group of individuals who have launched his candidacy or even discussed it.On what then is the gratuitous suspicion of the President of the United States of America based and his demand which is absolutely inadmissable that in order to comply with the ad interim President of the Republic should enter into agreement and contract obligations which have never heretofore been imposed upon the ruler of any sovereign nation.The question having been set forth as I have had the honor of doing in this reply His Excellency Mr. Wilson, will have to withdraw definitely of his present attitude at the risk that his motives which I take pleasurxxx in acknowledging are as he himself quotes them friendly and disinterested altruistic and without ulterior ends at the risk I repeat that they may be wrongly and differently li interpreted by all the other nations which look upon our present international conflict with more or less interest. And although the President of the United States of America should take an altogether different stand from the universal viewpoint which considerxxx differently an administration under the conditions in which our own is at present (the best proof of my assertion is the unconditional recognition of the foremost powers of the world amongst which the United States of America occupies such a prominent and legitimatley conquered rank) he will have to cease to call us a de facto Government and will give us the title of ad interim constitutional Government which is the only one to which we are rightly entitled.Permit me, Mr. Confidential Agent, not to reply for the time being to the significant offer in which the Government of the United States of America insinuates that it will recommend toal American bankers the immediate extension of loan which will permit us among other things to cover the enumerable urgent expenses required by the progressive pacification of the country; for in the terms in which it is couched it appears more to be attractive antecedent proposal to the end that moved by petty interests we should renounce a right which incontroverstibley upholds us xxx. When the dignity of the nation is at statke I believe that there are not loans enough to induce those charged by the law to maintain it to permit be lessened. On the other hand I have seen with greatb pleasure that the President of the United States of America proposesd for a later date and according to what the circumstances permit the solution which was marked with the letter “a” in the original instruction and in the note to which this is a reply with the number three; for this reveals that we are really in the way of arriving at an arrangement equally dignified for both sides.In view of all this, Mr. Confidential Agent, today more than ever we profoundly hope for an immediate solution orf the conflict which unfortunately has separated us. I could go even further. I would renounce on our part that our respective Ambassadors be received immediately since for the end in view the present personal of our reciprocal Embassies is sufficient if it remains as it has been heretofore until the elections of October have btaken place but I will always stand on the unavoidable condition which declares that we rare in reality the ad interim constitutional gGovernment of the Mexican Republic.In my turn, Mr. Confidential Agent, I beg again to repeat to you the pleasing impression which you leave with me as a citizen of the United States of America, and as an able, righteous and well intentioned personal representative of His Excellency Mr. Woodrow Wilson; I esteem in great the gratitude which you say you profess for the well–deserved treatment which you have received in Mexico at the hands of the ad interim Constitutional President of the Republic from private individuals and from myself and I reiterate cto you as in my previous note my perfect consideration.

The Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the Republic.

(Signed). F. Gamboa.


To Mr. John Lind,
Confidential Agent of the President of the United States of America, et cetera, et cetera,

A true copy of the original to which I certify: for the sub–Secretary of Foreign Relations the Chief Clerk. (Signed) Pena y Reyes.

”NELSON O’SHAUGHNESSY’.

Original Format

Letter

To

Bryan, William Jennings, 1860-1925

Files

http://resources.presidentwilson.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/Temp00481A.pdf

Tags

Citation

O’Shaughnessy, Nelson Jarvis Waterbury, “Nelson O'Shaughnessy to William Jennings Bryan,” 1913 August 27, WWP17981, First Year Wilson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.