Second Section of the German Chancellor's Speech
Title
Second Section of the German Chancellor's Speech
Creator
Max, Prince of Baden, 1867-1929
Identifier
WWP25296
Date
1918 October 22
Description
Portion of a speech by the German Chancellor in the Reichstag.
Source
Library of Congress, Woodrow Wilson Papers
Publisher
Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum
Subject
League of Nations
World War, 1914-1918--Germany
Contributor
Anna Phillips
Relation
WWP25294
WWP25295
WWP25297
Language
English
Provenance
Document scan was taken from Library of Congress microfilm reel of the Wilson Papers. WWPL volunteers transcribed the text.
Text
Second Section of German Chancellor’s Speech in Reichstag as Sent by German wireless. Apparently more to Follow.
“Gentleman, I have been told from many sides that the acceptance of Wilson’s conditions means Germanys submission to a hostile tribunal which would decide questions of right solely from the point of view of their own interest. If that were the case why then is it a fact that the extreme national egoists inside the Entente fear the conference room as the culprit fears the law court? The pivot of Wilson’s whole programme is the League of Nations. It cannot become reality unless all partners of the league rise to national self-denial. The community of right demands from us as well as from the others the surrender of part of the absolute independence which so far has been the sign of soverignity [sic]. It will be of paramount importance for our whole future what is to be the frame of mind in which as a whole nation we follow up the necessary development. If there is no change of heart, no forsaking the basis of nation egoism which until shortly used to be master force in the life of nations. Then gentlemen, there will be for us no recovery and no regeneration. There would remain a feeling of resentment which would paralyse us for generations to come. But when we realize that the meaning of this terrible war is above all the victory of the idea of right and when we bow to this idea not reluctantly, not with mental reservations but with fill the force of free consent we shall find in this a healing strength for the wounds of the present day and a field of action in the future. The common international task will be taken up by the German people with all the earnestness and conscientiousness which is our heirdom.
“Gentleman, all we need is to have recourse to the German spirit of two generations ago and we shall find all the moral impulse needed for the new development once we have made the common aims of humanity our own, the cooperation of nations will come to be the great liberating purpose. I should like to quote my words which I said on the nineteenth of February: The mere struggle for existence standing alone leaves great human resources unexplored. We have include the welfare and the right of other nations into our national will.
“When today in this grave hour I put before our people the idea of the league of nations as a source of consolation and new strength, I will not for one moment try to disguise the fact how tremendous are the resisting powers which still stand in the way of a league of nations. No one can say how long it will take to overcome them. No matter whether the next days or weeks call upon us for further struggle or whether the way to peace may open itself: there can be no doubt that we can be equal to the tasks of peace or war only by carrying through the programme of this government and turning away decidely [sic] from the old system.
“With this statement, gentlemen, I have entered upon the question of interior policy on which I owe an account to the representation of the German nation. Gentlemen, on October fifth I have already explained the general principles according to which I intended to hold my office as Chancellor, and I have at that time explained my position with regard to the programme of majority which by their confidence permitted me to take this office. Led by these principles I have together with my fellow workers taken those steps which in the interior of Germany shall inaugurate free institutions and on which I know have to report.
The reform of the electoral franchise in Prussia has by the generous assent of the parties to the proposition of the government been promoted so far that the introduction of universal equal direct and secret suffrage in Prussia is guaranteed. Before the Reichstag there are two bills to free our new system of government from the constitutional limits still in its way.
The first bill will give to the members of this high house the possibility of entering into the government of the empire without losing their seat in the Reichstag. This is indispensable if the union between the parliament and highest office of the empire shall remain as close as common work and mutual confidence require.
TRANSOCEAN, Berlin.
“Gentleman, I have been told from many sides that the acceptance of Wilson’s conditions means Germanys submission to a hostile tribunal which would decide questions of right solely from the point of view of their own interest. If that were the case why then is it a fact that the extreme national egoists inside the Entente fear the conference room as the culprit fears the law court? The pivot of Wilson’s whole programme is the League of Nations. It cannot become reality unless all partners of the league rise to national self-denial. The community of right demands from us as well as from the others the surrender of part of the absolute independence which so far has been the sign of soverignity [sic]. It will be of paramount importance for our whole future what is to be the frame of mind in which as a whole nation we follow up the necessary development. If there is no change of heart, no forsaking the basis of nation egoism which until shortly used to be master force in the life of nations. Then gentlemen, there will be for us no recovery and no regeneration. There would remain a feeling of resentment which would paralyse us for generations to come. But when we realize that the meaning of this terrible war is above all the victory of the idea of right and when we bow to this idea not reluctantly, not with mental reservations but with fill the force of free consent we shall find in this a healing strength for the wounds of the present day and a field of action in the future. The common international task will be taken up by the German people with all the earnestness and conscientiousness which is our heirdom.
“Gentleman, all we need is to have recourse to the German spirit of two generations ago and we shall find all the moral impulse needed for the new development once we have made the common aims of humanity our own, the cooperation of nations will come to be the great liberating purpose. I should like to quote my words which I said on the nineteenth of February: The mere struggle for existence standing alone leaves great human resources unexplored. We have include the welfare and the right of other nations into our national will.
“When today in this grave hour I put before our people the idea of the league of nations as a source of consolation and new strength, I will not for one moment try to disguise the fact how tremendous are the resisting powers which still stand in the way of a league of nations. No one can say how long it will take to overcome them. No matter whether the next days or weeks call upon us for further struggle or whether the way to peace may open itself: there can be no doubt that we can be equal to the tasks of peace or war only by carrying through the programme of this government and turning away decidely [sic] from the old system.
“With this statement, gentlemen, I have entered upon the question of interior policy on which I owe an account to the representation of the German nation. Gentlemen, on October fifth I have already explained the general principles according to which I intended to hold my office as Chancellor, and I have at that time explained my position with regard to the programme of majority which by their confidence permitted me to take this office. Led by these principles I have together with my fellow workers taken those steps which in the interior of Germany shall inaugurate free institutions and on which I know have to report.
The reform of the electoral franchise in Prussia has by the generous assent of the parties to the proposition of the government been promoted so far that the introduction of universal equal direct and secret suffrage in Prussia is guaranteed. Before the Reichstag there are two bills to free our new system of government from the constitutional limits still in its way.
The first bill will give to the members of this high house the possibility of entering into the government of the empire without losing their seat in the Reichstag. This is indispensable if the union between the parliament and highest office of the empire shall remain as close as common work and mutual confidence require.
TRANSOCEAN, Berlin.
Original Format
Speech
Files
Collection
Citation
Max, Prince of Baden, 1867-1929, “Second Section of the German Chancellor's Speech,” 1918 October 22, WWP25296, World War I Letters, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.