Cary T. Grayson Diary
Title
Cary T. Grayson Diary
Creator
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938
Identifier
WWP16226
Date
1920 March 25
Description
Cary T. Grayson reports on President Woodrow Wilson’s comments about running for a third term as president and the defeat of the Treaty of Versailles by the Senate.
Source
Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library, Staunton, Virginia
Language
English
Text
THURSDAY.
While seated at his desk in his Study in the White House this morning the President said to me: “Tumulty has sent me a letter asking that I come out and say that I would not run again for the Presidency. I do not see anything to be gained at this time by doing so except to turn the leadership of the Democratic Party over to William Jennings Bryan. In my opinion this would be a pretty state of affairs for the country and for the world at this stage of world conditions. I feel that it would be presumptuous and in bad taste for me to come out and decline something that has not been offered to me. No group of men has given me any assurance that it wanted me to be a candidate for renomination. In fact, everyone seems to be opposed to my running. And I think it would be entirely out of place for me to say now that I would not run. With things in such a turmoil in the United States and throughout the world as they are today, the Democratic Convention in San Francisco may get into a hopeless tie-up, and it may, by the time of the Convention, become imperative that the League of Nations and the Peace Treaty be made the dominant issue. The Convention may come to a dead-lock as to candidates, and there may be practically a universal demand for the selection of some one to lead them out of the wilderness. The members of the Convention may feel that I am the logical one to lead - perhaps the only one to champion this cause. In such circumstances I would feel obliged to accept the nomination even if I thought it would cost me my life. I have given my vitality, and almost my life, for the League of Nations, and I would rather lead a fight for the League of Nations and lose both my reputation and my life than to shirk a duty of this kind if it is absolutely necessary for me to make the fight and if there is no one else to do it.
“Certain politicians in both parties are guessing as to what will be my future course. I think it is the best thing for the world to keep them guessing for the present at any rate. I see nothing to be gained by coming out and making a declaration that I will not run, especially since I have not been asked to be a candidate by anyone.”
The President continued:
“I note from the papers that members of the House and of the Senate are speculating as to what steps I will take relative to the defeat of the Peace Treaty. They are wondering whether I will veto a resolution declaring peace with Germany, in case they pass such a resolution, or whether I am going to write a Message. My present intention is to do nothing. If they pass a resolution declaring peace with Germany, I will then express my view in a Message - which I know will be extremely distasteful to the Senate. I do not doubt but that they may try to impeach me for it. If I were well and on my feet and they pursued such a course, I would gladly accept the challenge, because I could put them in such a light before the country that I believe the people would impeach them. I do not think that in the history of the country, the Senate was ever as unpopular with the people as it is now. It would only be necessary for the people to understand the facts in order to impeach them. The time for the San Francisco and Chicago Conventions is near at hand and the referendum can be determined there preparatory to going before the people.
“I have done all in my power to get this Treaty through as it originally stood. My sole purpose was to see that it was not torn up or emasculated so that it would not stand the test of time. I entered into that Treaty under solemn obligation with our Allies. We each promised, after much giving and taking, to stand by what we had formulated, and for me now to go back on that promise by changing or by permitting a change of the substance of the Treatty would be to break faith with my colleagues. I would feel were I to violate my promise that I could never give them an honest look in the face again.”
The President did all the talking on this occasion. I did the listening. He did not ask me for my advice as to whether I thought he could stand another Presidential campaign, and, for medical reasons, I preferred not to volunteer any advice. I did not want to tell him that it would be impossible for him to take part in such a campaign, as I was fearful it might have a depressing effect upon him.
This is the first talk that he has had with me on the subject of the League of Nations since the defeat of the Treaty in the Senate on Friday, March 19th. It was on that day that the Senate returned to the President the Treaty of Versailles and advised him of its failure to “advise and consent to the ratification of the Treaty.” The night of March 19th was a very restless one for the President. He was doing a lot of thinking and a lot of worrying but holding his tongue. I was with him in his bedroom several times during the night. At about three o’clock while with him he turned to me and said: “Doctor, the devil is a busy man.” This is all he said.
The next morning—Friday, March 26.
In discussing the League of Nations—The President said, It is evident too soon for the country to accept the League—not ready for it—may have to break the heart of the world and the pocket-book of the world before the League will be accepted and appreciated.
While seated at his desk in his Study in the White House this morning the President said to me: “Tumulty has sent me a letter asking that I come out and say that I would not run again for the Presidency. I do not see anything to be gained at this time by doing so except to turn the leadership of the Democratic Party over to William Jennings Bryan. In my opinion this would be a pretty state of affairs for the country and for the world at this stage of world conditions. I feel that it would be presumptuous and in bad taste for me to come out and decline something that has not been offered to me. No group of men has given me any assurance that it wanted me to be a candidate for renomination. In fact, everyone seems to be opposed to my running. And I think it would be entirely out of place for me to say now that I would not run. With things in such a turmoil in the United States and throughout the world as they are today, the Democratic Convention in San Francisco may get into a hopeless tie-up, and it may, by the time of the Convention, become imperative that the League of Nations and the Peace Treaty be made the dominant issue. The Convention may come to a dead-lock as to candidates, and there may be practically a universal demand for the selection of some one to lead them out of the wilderness. The members of the Convention may feel that I am the logical one to lead - perhaps the only one to champion this cause. In such circumstances I would feel obliged to accept the nomination even if I thought it would cost me my life. I have given my vitality, and almost my life, for the League of Nations, and I would rather lead a fight for the League of Nations and lose both my reputation and my life than to shirk a duty of this kind if it is absolutely necessary for me to make the fight and if there is no one else to do it.
“Certain politicians in both parties are guessing as to what will be my future course. I think it is the best thing for the world to keep them guessing for the present at any rate. I see nothing to be gained by coming out and making a declaration that I will not run, especially since I have not been asked to be a candidate by anyone.”
The President continued:
“I note from the papers that members of the House and of the Senate are speculating as to what steps I will take relative to the defeat of the Peace Treaty. They are wondering whether I will veto a resolution declaring peace with Germany, in case they pass such a resolution, or whether I am going to write a Message. My present intention is to do nothing. If they pass a resolution declaring peace with Germany, I will then express my view in a Message - which I know will be extremely distasteful to the Senate. I do not doubt but that they may try to impeach me for it. If I were well and on my feet and they pursued such a course, I would gladly accept the challenge, because I could put them in such a light before the country that I believe the people would impeach them. I do not think that in the history of the country, the Senate was ever as unpopular with the people as it is now. It would only be necessary for the people to understand the facts in order to impeach them. The time for the San Francisco and Chicago Conventions is near at hand and the referendum can be determined there preparatory to going before the people.
“I have done all in my power to get this Treaty through as it originally stood. My sole purpose was to see that it was not torn up or emasculated so that it would not stand the test of time. I entered into that Treaty under solemn obligation with our Allies. We each promised, after much giving and taking, to stand by what we had formulated, and for me now to go back on that promise by changing or by permitting a change of the substance of the Treatty would be to break faith with my colleagues. I would feel were I to violate my promise that I could never give them an honest look in the face again.”
The President did all the talking on this occasion. I did the listening. He did not ask me for my advice as to whether I thought he could stand another Presidential campaign, and, for medical reasons, I preferred not to volunteer any advice. I did not want to tell him that it would be impossible for him to take part in such a campaign, as I was fearful it might have a depressing effect upon him.
This is the first talk that he has had with me on the subject of the League of Nations since the defeat of the Treaty in the Senate on Friday, March 19th. It was on that day that the Senate returned to the President the Treaty of Versailles and advised him of its failure to “advise and consent to the ratification of the Treaty.” The night of March 19th was a very restless one for the President. He was doing a lot of thinking and a lot of worrying but holding his tongue. I was with him in his bedroom several times during the night. At about three o’clock while with him he turned to me and said: “Doctor, the devil is a busy man.” This is all he said.
The next morning—Friday, March 26.
In discussing the League of Nations—The President said, It is evident too soon for the country to accept the League—not ready for it—may have to break the heart of the world and the pocket-book of the world before the League will be accepted and appreciated.
Original Format
Diary
Files
Collection
Citation
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938, “Cary T. Grayson Diary,” 1920 March 25, WWP16226, Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.