Woodrow Wilson
Title
Woodrow Wilson
Creator
Wilson, Woodrow, 1856-1924
Identifier
WWP15708
Date
1919 March 1
Description
President Woodrow Wilson addresses problems associated with peace negotiations in Paris following World War I.
Source
Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library, Staunton, Virginia
Language
English
Text
In view of certain misunderstandings which have arisen, it may be definitely stated that the American representatives in Paris view with deep concern the delays attending the Peace settlement.
The world is felt to be in a state of chaos. Unemployment in all countries exists to a greater degree than ever before in history. Slow starvation is gripping much of Europe. Suvbversive political doctrines are advancing alarmingly. Time is slipping by in discussion which all too slowly reach conclusions.
The past week has been particularly disappointing. Matters of immediate but of relatively minor importance have crowded out consideration of essentials. With every day has come up some new preoblem which demanded immediate attention action to the exclusion of discussion of more basic principles. As a result it has not been possible to go to the heart of the crisis fast settling upon the world.
It is felt that a radical change in method and attitude is essential isf quick results are to be secured on a just basis. The broad humanitarian principles for which the war was waged must be again fcalled forth as a guide amidst the welter and confusion of detailed problems almost hopelessly complicated. Neither the nations must unite to help each other toward a resumption of normal life and relations are or be overswept by disorganization, starvation and disaster. Every days delay makes the situation more precarious.
The world as it exists to-day is not the world of 1915, 1916 and 1917. Decisions and agreements made under the conditions then prevailing are in many cases not now applicable. The whole face fof the situation has changed before the havoc of war, the destruction of industry, and the threat of food shortage. If peace of any permanence is to be secured it must be based, not on the past, but on the present and the future.
The claims for strategic frontiers and national aggrandisement, and the fear of disturbing national security, still exist, not so much as the official policy of the nations but rather as the guiding purpose of certain obstructionist groups in nearly all nations. In pressing what they believe to be their own immediate interests, they lose sight entirely of the fact that they are surely seowing the sededs of future wars rather than securing the safety which they profess to be seeking. It is time that public opinion in all countries isolated these obstructionist classes and endeavored to orientate its viewpoint in such a way as to see the future as well from the position of other nations as of their own.
Specifically, as regards Germany, it must be remembered that, whatever her past crimes, she is a nation of 70,000,000 highly organized people withi whom the world must continue to live. At present slow starvation is spreading amongst her people in a way which if continued may full well lead to a state of chaos there which could hardly fail to drag the other nations into the vortex. As to her payment of reparation for the crimes she has committed, it must be obvious that she cannot be shut out of the markets of the world and at the same time make the huge payments which are will be demanded of her. Either she must be allowed to produce and trade or her debtor nations must forego their reparations.
Still more specifically, it is essential to bring into being at the earliest possible moment a responsible organization which will guide the distracted affairs of the world. At the present moment the Peace Conference, at least in so far as its own states members are concerned, it is acting as a defacto though not a dejure world government. It is directing the armies of states members, attempting to hold off wars threatened at many points of collision and serving in a sense as an international jury. It is inconceivable that there should be any interim between the ending onf the peace conference and the operation of the League of Nations.
Practically every question in the Peace settlement will continue in one form or another after the signature of the treaty. The thousands of miles of boundaries to be laid down cannot all be settled at this moment. Boundary commissions must be established and plebescites held. The collection and repara- distribution of reparations is a continuing function. Settlement of the question of responsibility for war and for violation of the laws of war will take years of examination. The carrying out of the peace terms, the overseeing of Germanys military activities, the question of international labor, the problem of mandataories, the international regime of ports, waterways and railways all carry on into the future and are problems which naturally fall within the sphere of the League of Nations.
The League Covenant is the most advanced part of any part of the peace treaty. The original agreement, which was prepared largely when the maeetings wheere being held, was laid before the bar of world public opinion nearly five weeks ago, leaving the way wholly clear for the immediate matters of the Peace settlement. Within the past few days thirteen neutral nations have announced their acceptance of its principles while changes and improvements are being made so far as it is possible to make them under the infinitely complex conditions prevailing.
With the Covenant itself so far advanced it is essential to hasten the other prioblems of the German peace. The military, naval and air terms have been agreed upon with certain minor reservations. Unforutunately, however, other most vital problems are still unsettled, including the amount of reparation to be demanded and its method of distribution, the territorial frontiers of Germany on all sides, the question of responsibilities, and the economic future of Germany. It is hoped that in the neaxt few days the responsbible statesmen will be able to concentrate unreservedly on these problems, examine them in the light of the existing serious realities, and by mutual sacrifices come to an agreement which will stand the strain of the forthcoming years.
It is the American opinion, therefore, that there is a prime necessity: first, for a better union of all sforces seeking a really just peace on the basis of the new world order now existing; second, for a more efficient concentration on the fundamental and still unsolved problems of the immediate peace settlement; and thirdly, for the quick completion for inclusion in the peace treaty of the League of Nations Covenant to assure international machinery to solve the infinitely complex and dangerous problems which will confront the world for years as an aftermath of the war.
The world is felt to be in a state of chaos. Unemployment in all countries exists to a greater degree than ever before in history. Slow starvation is gripping much of Europe. Suvbversive political doctrines are advancing alarmingly. Time is slipping by in discussion which all too slowly reach conclusions.
The past week has been particularly disappointing. Matters of immediate but of relatively minor importance have crowded out consideration of essentials. With every day has come up some new preoblem which demanded immediate attention action to the exclusion of discussion of more basic principles. As a result it has not been possible to go to the heart of the crisis fast settling upon the world.
It is felt that a radical change in method and attitude is essential isf quick results are to be secured on a just basis. The broad humanitarian principles for which the war was waged must be again fcalled forth as a guide amidst the welter and confusion of detailed problems almost hopelessly complicated. Neither the nations must unite to help each other toward a resumption of normal life and relations are or be overswept by disorganization, starvation and disaster. Every days delay makes the situation more precarious.
The world as it exists to-day is not the world of 1915, 1916 and 1917. Decisions and agreements made under the conditions then prevailing are in many cases not now applicable. The whole face fof the situation has changed before the havoc of war, the destruction of industry, and the threat of food shortage. If peace of any permanence is to be secured it must be based, not on the past, but on the present and the future.
The claims for strategic frontiers and national aggrandisement, and the fear of disturbing national security, still exist, not so much as the official policy of the nations but rather as the guiding purpose of certain obstructionist groups in nearly all nations. In pressing what they believe to be their own immediate interests, they lose sight entirely of the fact that they are surely seowing the sededs of future wars rather than securing the safety which they profess to be seeking. It is time that public opinion in all countries isolated these obstructionist classes and endeavored to orientate its viewpoint in such a way as to see the future as well from the position of other nations as of their own.
Specifically, as regards Germany, it must be remembered that, whatever her past crimes, she is a nation of 70,000,000 highly organized people withi whom the world must continue to live. At present slow starvation is spreading amongst her people in a way which if continued may full well lead to a state of chaos there which could hardly fail to drag the other nations into the vortex. As to her payment of reparation for the crimes she has committed, it must be obvious that she cannot be shut out of the markets of the world and at the same time make the huge payments which are will be demanded of her. Either she must be allowed to produce and trade or her debtor nations must forego their reparations.
Still more specifically, it is essential to bring into being at the earliest possible moment a responsible organization which will guide the distracted affairs of the world. At the present moment the Peace Conference, at least in so far as its own states members are concerned, it is acting as a defacto though not a dejure world government. It is directing the armies of states members, attempting to hold off wars threatened at many points of collision and serving in a sense as an international jury. It is inconceivable that there should be any interim between the ending onf the peace conference and the operation of the League of Nations.
Practically every question in the Peace settlement will continue in one form or another after the signature of the treaty. The thousands of miles of boundaries to be laid down cannot all be settled at this moment. Boundary commissions must be established and plebescites held. The collection and repara- distribution of reparations is a continuing function. Settlement of the question of responsibility for war and for violation of the laws of war will take years of examination. The carrying out of the peace terms, the overseeing of Germanys military activities, the question of international labor, the problem of mandataories, the international regime of ports, waterways and railways all carry on into the future and are problems which naturally fall within the sphere of the League of Nations.
The League Covenant is the most advanced part of any part of the peace treaty. The original agreement, which was prepared largely when the maeetings wheere being held, was laid before the bar of world public opinion nearly five weeks ago, leaving the way wholly clear for the immediate matters of the Peace settlement. Within the past few days thirteen neutral nations have announced their acceptance of its principles while changes and improvements are being made so far as it is possible to make them under the infinitely complex conditions prevailing.
With the Covenant itself so far advanced it is essential to hasten the other prioblems of the German peace. The military, naval and air terms have been agreed upon with certain minor reservations. Unforutunately, however, other most vital problems are still unsettled, including the amount of reparation to be demanded and its method of distribution, the territorial frontiers of Germany on all sides, the question of responsibilities, and the economic future of Germany. It is hoped that in the neaxt few days the responsbible statesmen will be able to concentrate unreservedly on these problems, examine them in the light of the existing serious realities, and by mutual sacrifices come to an agreement which will stand the strain of the forthcoming years.
It is the American opinion, therefore, that there is a prime necessity: first, for a better union of all sforces seeking a really just peace on the basis of the new world order now existing; second, for a more efficient concentration on the fundamental and still unsolved problems of the immediate peace settlement; and thirdly, for the quick completion for inclusion in the peace treaty of the League of Nations Covenant to assure international machinery to solve the infinitely complex and dangerous problems which will confront the world for years as an aftermath of the war.
Files
Collection
Citation
Wilson, Woodrow, 1856-1924, “Woodrow Wilson,” 1919 March 1, WWP15708, Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.