Cary T. Grayson Diary
Title
Cary T. Grayson Diary
Creator
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938
Identifier
WWP17192
Date
1919 June 10
Source
Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library, Staunton, Virginia
Language
English
Text
The President after breakfast went to his study. I had a conference with him there at about ten o’clock. I called his attention to the fact that former President Taft had given a statement to the press to the effect that the United States would approve the League of Nations Covenant; that he based this on the result of observations made during his recent tour of the fifteen States. The President said: “This is the first favorable news of any kind that I have received in the last month.”
The President told me that he had just received a note saying that the Italians had refused to accept the Allies’ terms on the Adriatic question. He said: That matter is final now and is settled. We must proceed to other business and not dilly-dally with the Italians any more. Clemenceau insists that he has practically positive information that the Italians have been secretly negotiating with the Germans for the past month. If that is true, I wish he would give me positive proof of it. I am inclined, however, to believe from what he says that he knows what he is talking about.”
The Italians had considered a proposal, which was acceptable to the Jugo-Slavs, and which provided for the creation of the free state of Fiume, which would include the port of Fiume and the territory adjacent thereto. The Italians tentatively accepted this agreement and Orlando took it to Milan, where he held a conference with his associates on Sunday. When Orlando returned he notified associate members of the commission that so far as he was concerned Italy would accept the creation of the free state of Fiume, but only if it was assured that when the plebiscite was held at the end of fifteen years it would be determined whether this state would continue under the League of Nations or whether it would be joined to Italy or Jugo-Slavia. This plebiscite must be taken by districts. In other words, what Italy wanted to do is to have a plebiscite which would give her control of the Italian state of Fiume, the Italians dominating the city proper but none of the chief suburbs. The taking of a plebiscite that would include the entire city would be extremely favorable to Jugo-Slavia, and it was a simple endeavor on the part of the Italians to carry out that treachery which has given rise to the designation in literature of --“that fine Italian hand.” Naturally, the President was not disposed to fall into any such trap and saw through it the moment it was presented to him.
The Big Four met this morning with Orlando present. As the Big Four came in - I happened to be there - the President presented each of one of them with several copies of the photograph recently taken of the Big Four. Lloyd George remarked that the President’s face was the only one that seemed to contain any encouragement or cheerfulness; that the others had the appearance of being loaded down with heavy burdens. To this remark both Clemenceau and Orlando simply grunted in Italian and French, respectively. However, they seemed very glad to have the pictures.
After the meeting had adjourned the President told me that there seemed to be a complete stagnation between Lloyd George and Clemenceau; that they did not do anything. “I lost my temper”, he said, “and told them what I thought of it, and that we had to have action; that they had plenty of time to discuss the matter, and that we were being put in a ridiculous position in not accomplishing anything. I told them that we had to have progress or I would let the facts be known to the world. I have patiently waited as long as I could for them to discuss this subject of reparations.”
Before going to luncheon the President received Le Maharaja de Kapurthala, an Indian of high caste, who spoke English. He is a friend of Mr. Bernard M. Baruch, and the appointment was made at Mr. Baruch’s request. The Maharaja is a great admirer of the President, and he told the President that he came simply to shake hands with him and to tell him how much they admired him in India, and how the world looked upon him as one big man of the world and savior of the world.
The President and Mrs. Wilson lunched together. There were no guests. After lunch the President gave another sitting to Sir William Orpen, the official portrait painter of the Peace Conference.
Upon his return to the temporary White House the President met with the Big Four. The President’s emphatic declarations in the morning that unless Clemenceau and Lloyd George stopped their obstructive tactics, he (the President) would feel constrained to let the world know and judge of the facts had a beneficial result at the afternoon session. The conference made substantial progress on the question of reparations, Lloyd George reversing his general position and agreeing to stand by the original proposal, coupled with the American explanatory addenda which was designed to meet the objection on the part of the Germans that the reparations scheme originally outlined spelt complete bankruptcy to that nation, and, therefore, could not be accepted.
The Council also examined a set of four resolutions that had been submitted by the League of Nations Committee. The committee had met and agreed upon a report, but Clemenceau objected because he said it was designed to give Germany immediate participation in the League, and he insisted on a reconsideration. As a result of the reconsideration, it was found impossible for the committee to reach an agreement, so they submitted various reports for the benefit of the Council of Four and passed the final decision up to that body.
As a matter of fact, the real difficulties which threatened at the present time to engulf the Big Four were due entirely to the fact that both Clemenceau and Lloyd George had failed to accept a suggestion made by the President shortly after the terms were handed to the Germans originally. Mr. Bernard M. Baruch, in whose judgement the President has great confidence, had pointed out that the psychological time to trade with the Germans was before an opportunity had been afforded for differences of opinion to rise among the representatives of the Allies. His suggestion was that a representative of the United States,France and Great Britain proceed to Versailles and personally confer with Rantzau regarding what modifications would be accepted in order to secure the speedy signing of the treaty. The President thought that the plan was a very splendid one and suggested it to his associates, but Lloyd George and Clemenceau, with that stubbornness which has characterized all of their actions ever since the President came to Europe, vetoed the plan. The result was that the differences of opinion arose exactly as Mr. Baruch had forecast, and the German disposition to sign had been materially lessened though he hoped that by creating dissension in the ranks of the Allies they would benefit very materially, but the matter was finally settled.
At the conclusion of the meeting the President went for a short ride with Mrs. Wilson.The President, Mrs. Wilson and I had dinner, and after dinner he said: “We made considerable progress this afternoon, and while the Big Four did not go in a straight course, they assumed a spiral course. I hope that the spiral route will ultimately lead to a settlement. For the past week Lloyd George and Clemenceau both traveled in a circle, and we failed to accomplish anything.”
Late in the evening I treated his nose, and he then played Canfield for a short while. He said to me: “You know, playing Canfield seems silly, but it gives me a chance to forget the problems of the day, and it proves a mental relaxation. After playing this awhile, I can go to bed and fall asleep immediately. Would you mind reading aloud awhile, to me? I can play this and listen also.” I then read some letters to him from Admiral Benson containing reports from Admiral Bristol, who is in command of the American Naval forces in Constantinople. The report dealt with the Greek and Turkish questions. I also read communications from Admiral Philip Andrews concerning the Italian situation around Fiume.
Miss Margaret Wilson arrived this evening.
The President told me that he had just received a note saying that the Italians had refused to accept the Allies’ terms on the Adriatic question. He said: That matter is final now and is settled. We must proceed to other business and not dilly-dally with the Italians any more. Clemenceau insists that he has practically positive information that the Italians have been secretly negotiating with the Germans for the past month. If that is true, I wish he would give me positive proof of it. I am inclined, however, to believe from what he says that he knows what he is talking about.”
The Italians had considered a proposal, which was acceptable to the Jugo-Slavs, and which provided for the creation of the free state of Fiume, which would include the port of Fiume and the territory adjacent thereto. The Italians tentatively accepted this agreement and Orlando took it to Milan, where he held a conference with his associates on Sunday. When Orlando returned he notified associate members of the commission that so far as he was concerned Italy would accept the creation of the free state of Fiume, but only if it was assured that when the plebiscite was held at the end of fifteen years it would be determined whether this state would continue under the League of Nations or whether it would be joined to Italy or Jugo-Slavia. This plebiscite must be taken by districts. In other words, what Italy wanted to do is to have a plebiscite which would give her control of the Italian state of Fiume, the Italians dominating the city proper but none of the chief suburbs. The taking of a plebiscite that would include the entire city would be extremely favorable to Jugo-Slavia, and it was a simple endeavor on the part of the Italians to carry out that treachery which has given rise to the designation in literature of --“that fine Italian hand.” Naturally, the President was not disposed to fall into any such trap and saw through it the moment it was presented to him.
The Big Four met this morning with Orlando present. As the Big Four came in - I happened to be there - the President presented each of one of them with several copies of the photograph recently taken of the Big Four. Lloyd George remarked that the President’s face was the only one that seemed to contain any encouragement or cheerfulness; that the others had the appearance of being loaded down with heavy burdens. To this remark both Clemenceau and Orlando simply grunted in Italian and French, respectively. However, they seemed very glad to have the pictures.
After the meeting had adjourned the President told me that there seemed to be a complete stagnation between Lloyd George and Clemenceau; that they did not do anything. “I lost my temper”, he said, “and told them what I thought of it, and that we had to have action; that they had plenty of time to discuss the matter, and that we were being put in a ridiculous position in not accomplishing anything. I told them that we had to have progress or I would let the facts be known to the world. I have patiently waited as long as I could for them to discuss this subject of reparations.”
Before going to luncheon the President received Le Maharaja de Kapurthala, an Indian of high caste, who spoke English. He is a friend of Mr. Bernard M. Baruch, and the appointment was made at Mr. Baruch’s request. The Maharaja is a great admirer of the President, and he told the President that he came simply to shake hands with him and to tell him how much they admired him in India, and how the world looked upon him as one big man of the world and savior of the world.
The President and Mrs. Wilson lunched together. There were no guests. After lunch the President gave another sitting to Sir William Orpen, the official portrait painter of the Peace Conference.
Upon his return to the temporary White House the President met with the Big Four. The President’s emphatic declarations in the morning that unless Clemenceau and Lloyd George stopped their obstructive tactics, he (the President) would feel constrained to let the world know and judge of the facts had a beneficial result at the afternoon session. The conference made substantial progress on the question of reparations, Lloyd George reversing his general position and agreeing to stand by the original proposal, coupled with the American explanatory addenda which was designed to meet the objection on the part of the Germans that the reparations scheme originally outlined spelt complete bankruptcy to that nation, and, therefore, could not be accepted.
The Council also examined a set of four resolutions that had been submitted by the League of Nations Committee. The committee had met and agreed upon a report, but Clemenceau objected because he said it was designed to give Germany immediate participation in the League, and he insisted on a reconsideration. As a result of the reconsideration, it was found impossible for the committee to reach an agreement, so they submitted various reports for the benefit of the Council of Four and passed the final decision up to that body.
As a matter of fact, the real difficulties which threatened at the present time to engulf the Big Four were due entirely to the fact that both Clemenceau and Lloyd George had failed to accept a suggestion made by the President shortly after the terms were handed to the Germans originally. Mr. Bernard M. Baruch, in whose judgement the President has great confidence, had pointed out that the psychological time to trade with the Germans was before an opportunity had been afforded for differences of opinion to rise among the representatives of the Allies. His suggestion was that a representative of the United States,France and Great Britain proceed to Versailles and personally confer with Rantzau regarding what modifications would be accepted in order to secure the speedy signing of the treaty. The President thought that the plan was a very splendid one and suggested it to his associates, but Lloyd George and Clemenceau, with that stubbornness which has characterized all of their actions ever since the President came to Europe, vetoed the plan. The result was that the differences of opinion arose exactly as Mr. Baruch had forecast, and the German disposition to sign had been materially lessened though he hoped that by creating dissension in the ranks of the Allies they would benefit very materially, but the matter was finally settled.
At the conclusion of the meeting the President went for a short ride with Mrs. Wilson.The President, Mrs. Wilson and I had dinner, and after dinner he said: “We made considerable progress this afternoon, and while the Big Four did not go in a straight course, they assumed a spiral course. I hope that the spiral route will ultimately lead to a settlement. For the past week Lloyd George and Clemenceau both traveled in a circle, and we failed to accomplish anything.”
Late in the evening I treated his nose, and he then played Canfield for a short while. He said to me: “You know, playing Canfield seems silly, but it gives me a chance to forget the problems of the day, and it proves a mental relaxation. After playing this awhile, I can go to bed and fall asleep immediately. Would you mind reading aloud awhile, to me? I can play this and listen also.” I then read some letters to him from Admiral Benson containing reports from Admiral Bristol, who is in command of the American Naval forces in Constantinople. The report dealt with the Greek and Turkish questions. I also read communications from Admiral Philip Andrews concerning the Italian situation around Fiume.
Miss Margaret Wilson arrived this evening.
Original Format
Diary
Files
Collection
Citation
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938, “Cary T. Grayson Diary,” 1919 June 10, WWP17192, Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.