Cary T. Grayson Diary

Cary T. Grayson Diary

Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938

WWP17184

1919 June 2

Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library, Staunton, Virginia

English

The President went to the Crillon Hotel immediately after breakfast and conferred with the members of the American Mission, with Signor Orlando, and with Mr. Baruch.

There was rather a peculiar development in connection with the changed British front today. Lloyd George invited Mr. Baruch to breakfast with him, and while at breakfast Lloyd George told Mr. Baruch that he considered him a very able man and wished that he was as good a friend of his (Lloyd George), as he was to President Wilson. In reply Baruch told Lloyd George: “When you bec0me as fine and big a man as the President of the United States is, naturally I will be as good a friend to you as I want to be to Woodrow Wilson.” Lloyd George told Baruch how anxious he was to meet the German viewpoint in certain circles but failed to be frank with him and did not mention the fact that the reason he has changed his attitude is due to the pressure that has been brought to bear upon him by the Liberal and labor elements in Great Britain. As a matter of fact, Lloyd George actually is in a bad way politically at home. He has no personal party. The Tory element, which carried him into power, is now willing to sacrifice him, and the Liberal element in Great Britain now is almost a memory. What the outcome will be is hard at this time to say.

The President came to the temporary White House after the meeting at the Crillon, and he and I started for St. Germain, where the peace terms were to be delivered to the Austrians. The President forgot some papers and we had to go back for them, which caused us to start a few minutes late. It then developed that the French in laying out the road over which the delegates were to pass had taken the long route through Versailles, which take a matter of ten minutes longer in the automobile. Added to this fact, came a tire blowout on the road, which made it necessary for us to commandeer a big American Army car for the the President to complete the trip in. The result was that probably for the first time in his public career the President was late for a formal gathering, and the Peace Delegates waited thirteen minutes for him until he reached the St. Germain Chateau.

The proceedings at the Chateau were very interesting. I had a place directly behind the President, alongside of Admiral Benson, where I was able to see and hear all that took place. The proceedings were as follows:
___________________________

At 12:25 the Austrian Delegation was ushered into the room.

M. Clemenceau declared the session opened.
M. Clemenceau speaks in French
M. Mantoux translates the foregoing:

Gentlemen, the plenipotentiaries of the Austrian Republic. The Allied and Associated Powers have entrusted me with the task of communicating to you the draft treaty which will have to be signed between us. If we cannot give you the whole document today, at least you will have the principal parts, which you will have full liberty to examine. It has been decided that you will be asked to offer your observations in writing, and we shall also answer in writing. You will be given a maximum period of fifteen days within which to present your written observations. If, before that time, you have any document to communicate, or any observation to make, we shall be glad to receive them, and we shall examine them with due attention.

The documents which will be handed over to you now include the following parts:
Preamble.
League of Nations.
Frontiers of Austria.
Political clauses:
Czecho-Slovak State, Political clauses relating to certain European States, Protection of minorities, General provisions, Austrian interests outside Europe.
Naval and air clauses.
Prisoners of war and graves.
Penal ties.
Economic clauses.
Aerial navigation.
Ports, waterways, and railways.
Labour.
Miscellaneous provisions.

The text of the clauses mentioned hereafter will be handed over at a later period:

1. Political clauses (Italy).
2. Financial clauses.
3. Reparation clauses.
4. Military clauses.
5. Clauses relating to the Serbo-Croat, Slovene State.

The Supreme Council, after having examined the observations which you will be good enough to send within the appointed time limit, will send you a written answer, giving another delay for final answer on your part.

(The above was translated into German)

Thereupon M. Dutasta handed to Dr. Renner, on behalf of the Austrian Delegation, a book containing the terms of peace.

Dr. Renner was given opportunity to speak, and made an address in French

DR. RENNER (speaks in French).
Translation of the foregoing:

For a long time the people of German Austria were waiting in distress for this present day to come, which shall relieve the tension caused by the uncertainty as to its future fate. We were longing for the hour of decision, because, it was to render peace at last to our hard triesd country and to offer us an opportunity to proclaim before this illustrious tribunal, the world’s hifghest authority , what outr country is, and what the conditions are under which we may hope to organize the possibilities for the existence of an independent commonwealth.

The Danube Monarchy against which the Allied and associated Powers have waged war, and with which they have concluded an armistice, has ceased to exist. The may be considered the day of its death. From this day on, there was no Monarch anymore, nor a big Power over which he could hold his sway, there was no more the fatal Dualism, neither an Austrian nor Hungarian Government, no army and none other recognized institution vested with public power.

There only remained eight nationalities deprived of any pubic organizaytion, and over hnight they created their own parliaments, their own government, and their own armies, iin short, their own independent States. In the same way as the other national States our new Republic too has sprung into life, consequently she can no more than the former be considered the successor of the late Monarchy. From this very point arises the fundamental contradiction under which we are laboring the most, and which is waiting to be cleared before this high Assembly.

On the one hand no one could, from the staindpoint of international law, contradict the judicious statement recently proclaimed by the chairman of this conference, accodrrding to which it would be contratry to all principles of international law, to reason, that a modification of the political frorm of governemetnt or a change of its leading persons would suffice to release a nation from assumed obligations. This entails the conclusion that all the territories of the ancient Monarchy and their peoples could ne be made responsible for the consequences of the war, which was forced upon them all by their former governments. Thus is weighing upon us, likeupon all the othe nationalities, established on the territory of the former Austro*-Hungarian Monarchy, a portion of the dreadful inheritance left us by the fallen Empire, the inheritance of war, the inheritance of exhaustion, the inheritance of the most cumbersome economic oblihgations. But our new Republic has freed herself from all those imperialistic aspiarrations which have become so fatal to the existence of the ancient Monarchy, she has ridded herself once for ever, of all these reactionary traditions which had turned the former Mlonarchy into a prison of its people -- she is alas the unfortunate victim of that horrible crime of 1914, a crime committed by the former Governments however, and not by the people.

On the other hand all the succeeding States have in the light of international law come into existence after cessation of hostilities only. The German-Austrian Republic, in its present shape, has never declared war, never carried on war, and in relation with the western Powers never had the position of a warring Power from an international point of view. And there couold be no doubt as to the fact, that our Republic never was at war with the new national States. On the contrary, in Vienna various commissions appointed by the succeeding States have met to settle the estate left by the late Empire, and to divide in mutual agreement among themselves all the rightds and assets of this estate. Between them and us it is not the question of making peace but of liquidating the former partnership and of settling the future relations under the intervention and guarantee of the Powers, for which we pray. Nevertheless, these succeeding States, meeting face to face in Paris, are playing quite a different role in regard to their obligations assumed in the past. We expect to eliminate this contradiction at the Peace Conference. I reserve to myself the opportunity of drawing my conclusions from these contradictions later on.

We are before you as one of the parts of the vanquished and fallen Empire. Ready to assume our portion of the liabilities grown out of these our relations to the aAllied Powers, we are well aware of the fact, that out fate is resting in your hands.

We hope and believe that the conscience of the world shall not deny to our people, no curtail the inalienable right of self-determination, which the associated Powers have always proclaimed to be the very aim of their war waged against the Habsbourg and the Hohenzollern Monarchy, a right which has been realized by our neighbours with our ready consent, and a right which our people confiding in the principles recognized by the allied Powers have adopted as the fundamental basis of their new constitution.

We trust that the world’s common sense does not have in view nor will permit our economic ruin. The destruction of the economic unit of the Monarchy, the separation of our monataneous country from all its natural sources has condemned us these last six months, to privations which are by far exceeding the sufferings endured in war-time. It was only due to the generous relief action organized by Mr. Hoover, on resolutions passed by the allied Powers, that we have been saved from down right starvation.


The contrast between the attitude of Dr. Renner and Brockdorff-Rantzau was very distinctive. The latter had attempted to justify the crimes of Germany, while the Austrian delegate took exactly the opposite tack. He stood during the time he read his address to the Conference and spoke entirely in French, instead of German, as had the Chief German Plenipotentiary. I was deeply impressed by the proceedings, and remarked about it to the President as we were returning home. The President said to me that if the Germans had adopted the same attitude, it might have been very beneficial to their cause; that he believed Renner had taken a line of procedure that would be a very material benefit to the German-Austrian Republic when the final peace treaty is completed.

After returning to the house the President had lunch, and then went over to Lloyd George’s house, where Clemenceau and Lloyd George were waiting. Lloyd George was urging changes in the treaty, but the President made it very plain that in his opinion the whole thing now was a question for France. and England to decide by themselves. If they found themselves unable to reach an agreement on any points, the President was willing to do his best to help them but he did not want to take any radical action until he had to.

Following the meeting the President went for a ride through the Bois de Boulogne, returning home for dinner with Mrs. Wilson.

I took advantage of the late afternoon to visit the St. Cloud race-track. This is one of the prettiest race courses I have ever seen in my life. I had a very pleasant afternoon.

Diary