Cary T. Grayson Diary
Title
Cary T. Grayson Diary
Creator
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938
Identifier
WWP17182
Date
1919 May 31
Source
Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library, Staunton, Virginia
Language
English
Text
There was nothing doing in the morning, and after breakfast I persuaded the President to rest as much as possible. He went for a motor ride, I accompanying him. It is remarkable how the President has changed in some respects and how today his viewpoint no longer is a national one but deals with the entire world at large. I have told him what it means to indi individuals to be able to come in contact with him. Their inability to do so makes them believe that he is cold and does not care about individuals or desire to interest individuals in himself or his projects. I know the impulses of his heart towards his fellowmen and towards people as a whole, who are anxious to meet him and deal personally with him. I know it is entirely a question of diffidence, and not one of indifference, but in the case of the President it has been and is entirely a question of not being able to afford the time to meet people promiscuously or even generally. When once the President actually comes into contact with people generally he enjoys it more that the persons themselves. The President agreed with me in this estimate of his character, which I made to him today.
The President and I lunched with Mrs. Wilson in her room, after which the President went to the Quai d’Orsay to attend the secret Plenary Session, at which the Austrian terms were submitted to the smaller nations. It had been expected that these terms would be communicated to the Austrians yesterday, but this was found impossible because of the objections that the smaller nations raised to the approving of the treaty until they had formally approved the terms themselves. This was a disappointment, of course, to the Austrians but they were assured by the Big Four that they would get the treaty not later than Monday.
As soon as the Plenary Session opened the Roumanian question delegation again objected to the terms whereby the minorities in the newly created republic were to be safeguarded. The Roumanian Premier characterized this as a complete invasion of the sovereign rights of nations, declaring that if the League of Nations was to be allowed to take any part in the internal affairs of small nations it would mean that the world at large would be ruled entirely by a combination of big powers, and that smaller principalities would be in the position of vassal states. The Premier’s denunciation of the clause in the treaty was particularly bitter, and all of the other small nations joined in endorsing his position. The Czecho-Slovaks objected strongly to the proposal that the entire indebtedness of the war chargeable against Austria-Hungary should be pro-rated among the nations that were carved out of the former Hapsburg Monarchy. The controversy was extremely animated, and eventually President Wilson delivered an address which those who heard him said was about the strongest speech he had made since he came to Europe to attend the Peace Conference. He frankly warned the wrangling representatives of the smaller nations that inasmuch as the big powers would be compelled to guarantee the safety of the world in the future it was essential that they mix in the affairs of the small nations. He told the Roumanian Premier that while he was desirous of meeting the views of the small powers as far as possible, yet it was necessary that religious and political minorities who were included in newly created states but who differed in language and custom from the prevailing majority have their rights upheld by an independent organization such as the League of Nations. Servia objected to the Southern boundary, but finally agreed to stand by the decision of the the Big Four. Eventually it was decided to withhold the financial and reparation clauses from the Austrian treaty, and then the smaller nations withdrew their protest against the minority provision, accepted the President’s promise that this would be changed, if possible, to meet their views, and that the Big Four would confer with the representatives of the small powers before the Austrian treaty was finally signed. It was after six o’clock before the Plenary Session adjourned, and it was then announced that the Austrian treaty would be delivered on , noon, at St. Germain to the Austrian peace delegations.
The various nations were now in possession of the German counter-proposals, and it was apparent that there was a distinct difference of opinion upon the provlem of whether the treaty should be revised somewhat in order to meet the more strenuous of the German objections. France, it appears, is in favor of adhering to the original terms of the treaty. The French authorities do not want to change a single word; they want to put it through as it stands. The President’s viewpoint is not to recede from any of the principles involved in the treaty regardless of the threatened attitude of the Germans in their counter-proposal. However, the President is willing to make a revision of unimportant parts of the economic and financial sections fo the treaty if the Germans can prove that they have better proposals to substitute. The British delegation had changed its attitude during the last few days. Originally, Lloyd George and his associates on the British Peace Commission had fought to force Germany to make every concession possible towards Great Britain. Lloyd George, however, has received a very strong protest from the former followers of Mr. Asquith and the Liberals, who were practically swept out of power at the last general election, and from the extreme labor men. While this protest came from a section that represented less than one-sixth of the total strength of the British Parliament it had been able to influence Lloyd George to such an extent that he sent a call today for the members of the Cabinet to come to Paris, and they all arrived here this evening, dining with Lloyd George in secret at his house. The general feeling was that inasmuch as the Germans seemed determined not to sign, it would be advisable if Great Britain were to advocate conciliation towards Brockdorff-Rantzau, and his associated delegates, by making concessions on the treaty terms at the expense of Poland and possibly of France. The idea as proposed was to grant a plebiscite in Upper Silesia, to make easements in the reparation clauses, to fix a definite figure of $25,000,000,000 as the total that Germany should pay as reparations, and to arrange for the early admission of Germany into the League of Nations. The movement for the changes in the treaty was headed by Lord Milner,Minister of Education Fisher and Alfred Mond. In addition, General Botha and Smuts were objecting to that portion of the treaty which provided for the personal punishment of the Kaiser and his associates, they holding that such action would simply stir up further bitter feeling. The whole situation was distinctly and decidedly filled with dynamite.
The President was invited to attend a special performance of Hello, Paris, given by the Knights of Columbus Athletic Committee in honor of the competitors in the road race which they had conducted on Memorial Day from Chateau Thierry to Paris. The Knights had taken up two-thirds of the house and invited the President to be the guest of honor as a tribute to the soldiers. The President gladly accepted. The Performance was the usual Parisian speaking type, but there were a number of special attractions which had been arranged, and, in addition, there were several American acts who spoke English. One thing greatly amused the President and gave him a real hearty laugh. A monologue artist ascended a ladder, talking all the while, until finally he reached the topmost rung. Then teetering backward and forward but maintaining his equilibrium, he swung his mandolin around and addressing the audience said: “I will play anything any one here suggests.” An enterprising wag called out from the ranks of the American soldiers: “Well, play us Nearer My God to Thee.” The apt application to the equli equilibrist, with his head almost in the top sets at the roof of the theatre, convulsed every one, and threw him into such a state of embarrassment that he was forced to say: “I don’t know it”. This brought down the house, the President leading the laughter and applause.
The President and I lunched with Mrs. Wilson in her room, after which the President went to the Quai d’Orsay to attend the secret Plenary Session, at which the Austrian terms were submitted to the smaller nations. It had been expected that these terms would be communicated to the Austrians yesterday, but this was found impossible because of the objections that the smaller nations raised to the approving of the treaty until they had formally approved the terms themselves. This was a disappointment, of course, to the Austrians but they were assured by the Big Four that they would get the treaty not later than Monday.
As soon as the Plenary Session opened the Roumanian question delegation again objected to the terms whereby the minorities in the newly created republic were to be safeguarded. The Roumanian Premier characterized this as a complete invasion of the sovereign rights of nations, declaring that if the League of Nations was to be allowed to take any part in the internal affairs of small nations it would mean that the world at large would be ruled entirely by a combination of big powers, and that smaller principalities would be in the position of vassal states. The Premier’s denunciation of the clause in the treaty was particularly bitter, and all of the other small nations joined in endorsing his position. The Czecho-Slovaks objected strongly to the proposal that the entire indebtedness of the war chargeable against Austria-Hungary should be pro-rated among the nations that were carved out of the former Hapsburg Monarchy. The controversy was extremely animated, and eventually President Wilson delivered an address which those who heard him said was about the strongest speech he had made since he came to Europe to attend the Peace Conference. He frankly warned the wrangling representatives of the smaller nations that inasmuch as the big powers would be compelled to guarantee the safety of the world in the future it was essential that they mix in the affairs of the small nations. He told the Roumanian Premier that while he was desirous of meeting the views of the small powers as far as possible, yet it was necessary that religious and political minorities who were included in newly created states but who differed in language and custom from the prevailing majority have their rights upheld by an independent organization such as the League of Nations. Servia objected to the Southern boundary, but finally agreed to stand by the decision of the the Big Four. Eventually it was decided to withhold the financial and reparation clauses from the Austrian treaty, and then the smaller nations withdrew their protest against the minority provision, accepted the President’s promise that this would be changed, if possible, to meet their views, and that the Big Four would confer with the representatives of the small powers before the Austrian treaty was finally signed. It was after six o’clock before the Plenary Session adjourned, and it was then announced that the Austrian treaty would be delivered on , noon, at St. Germain to the Austrian peace delegations.
The various nations were now in possession of the German counter-proposals, and it was apparent that there was a distinct difference of opinion upon the provlem of whether the treaty should be revised somewhat in order to meet the more strenuous of the German objections. France, it appears, is in favor of adhering to the original terms of the treaty. The French authorities do not want to change a single word; they want to put it through as it stands. The President’s viewpoint is not to recede from any of the principles involved in the treaty regardless of the threatened attitude of the Germans in their counter-proposal. However, the President is willing to make a revision of unimportant parts of the economic and financial sections fo the treaty if the Germans can prove that they have better proposals to substitute. The British delegation had changed its attitude during the last few days. Originally, Lloyd George and his associates on the British Peace Commission had fought to force Germany to make every concession possible towards Great Britain. Lloyd George, however, has received a very strong protest from the former followers of Mr. Asquith and the Liberals, who were practically swept out of power at the last general election, and from the extreme labor men. While this protest came from a section that represented less than one-sixth of the total strength of the British Parliament it had been able to influence Lloyd George to such an extent that he sent a call today for the members of the Cabinet to come to Paris, and they all arrived here this evening, dining with Lloyd George in secret at his house. The general feeling was that inasmuch as the Germans seemed determined not to sign, it would be advisable if Great Britain were to advocate conciliation towards Brockdorff-Rantzau, and his associated delegates, by making concessions on the treaty terms at the expense of Poland and possibly of France. The idea as proposed was to grant a plebiscite in Upper Silesia, to make easements in the reparation clauses, to fix a definite figure of $25,000,000,000 as the total that Germany should pay as reparations, and to arrange for the early admission of Germany into the League of Nations. The movement for the changes in the treaty was headed by Lord Milner,Minister of Education Fisher and Alfred Mond. In addition, General Botha and Smuts were objecting to that portion of the treaty which provided for the personal punishment of the Kaiser and his associates, they holding that such action would simply stir up further bitter feeling. The whole situation was distinctly and decidedly filled with dynamite.
The President was invited to attend a special performance of Hello, Paris, given by the Knights of Columbus Athletic Committee in honor of the competitors in the road race which they had conducted on Memorial Day from Chateau Thierry to Paris. The Knights had taken up two-thirds of the house and invited the President to be the guest of honor as a tribute to the soldiers. The President gladly accepted. The Performance was the usual Parisian speaking type, but there were a number of special attractions which had been arranged, and, in addition, there were several American acts who spoke English. One thing greatly amused the President and gave him a real hearty laugh. A monologue artist ascended a ladder, talking all the while, until finally he reached the topmost rung. Then teetering backward and forward but maintaining his equilibrium, he swung his mandolin around and addressing the audience said: “I will play anything any one here suggests.” An enterprising wag called out from the ranks of the American soldiers: “Well, play us Nearer My God to Thee.” The apt application to the equli equilibrist, with his head almost in the top sets at the roof of the theatre, convulsed every one, and threw him into such a state of embarrassment that he was forced to say: “I don’t know it”. This brought down the house, the President leading the laughter and applause.
Original Format
Diary
Files
Collection
Citation
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938, “Cary T. Grayson Diary,” 1919 May 31, WWP17182, Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.