Cary T. Grayson Diary
Title
Cary T. Grayson Diary
Creator
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938
Identifier
WWP17178
Date
1919 May 27
Source
Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library, Staunton, Virginia
Language
English
Text
The President and I after breakfast took a walk around in the neighborhood, and the President, with his usual observing eye, discovered what seemed to be a tiny stream of water trickling down over a hill near the Trocadero. We investigated and found that it was a natural aquarium that extended quite a distance and was filled with various kinds of fish. We looked at it for some little time, and then returned to the house by a roundabout route, which took us through a park where we could see little children basking in the sunlight under the care of their nurses.
At the session of the Big Four this morning the question of what action should be taken in connection with Russia was again taken up. It was decided to send a confidential inquiry to Admiral Koltchak to learn what his intentions were, and especially as to the position he has taken relative to the question of the Constitutional Assembly. The message to Koltchak was in no sense one of recognition of his government, but was merely designed to pave the way for such action should it be deemed wise later on. Lloyd George and Clemenceau continue to urge that Koltchak should be recognized immediately, but the President’s position has been and will be that unless he can be assured that the Russian people themselves will determine the nature of the government there will be no recognition of any force in that country at this time. It is very likely that the reply will determine what further action the President will take. As a matter of fact, England is anxious that the Koltchak government should be recognized because she has been promised that all her claims and all her anti-war treaty obligations will be fulfilled. France is anxious that the Koltchak government shall be recognized because she has been assured that the Franco-Russian war debt will be assumed by the Koltchak government. And the Japanese are anxious that Koltchak should be recognized because they have assurances that he is friendly to their aspirations in Siberia.
I made arrangements to have a picture taken of the Big Four. It was taken at the close of the morning session. Lloyd George wanted me to join in the picture, which, of course, I did not do.
Clemenceau said to Lloyd George: “I have a letter for the Big Four from the chairman of the Japanese delegation. ” Lloyd George said: “What is the letter about?” Clemenceau shrugged his shoulders, and gesticulating with both hands, said: “Oh, it simply says that he loves us but thatghe doesn’t see half enough of us.” The Japanese are complaining that they are not given an opportunity to participate in the conference as often as they would like.
Mrs. Wilson is still confined to her bed but is improving and in excellent spirits. The President and I had lunch in her bed room. The President mentioned a number of things that transpired during the morning conference. After lunch I discussed various speakers with the President. Speaking of Daniel Webster, the President said that he never used any superfluous words, and that the President’s father, who was a great scholar, used to practice by taking some of Daniel Webster’s speeches to see if he could substitute other words to strengthen the speech. But never in his experience could he find one word that he could substitute and improve the meaning of the address.
After lunch the President had a conference with Wellington Koo, and at the conclusion of the conference, the President and I went to St. Cloud for an hour’s ride.
The President told me this story: “An American private soldier, in talking to another private soldier said: ‘I am taking a girl through the Louvre tomorrow afternoon.’ His comrade said to him: ‘Have you ever been there?”’ And he said: ‘No.’ He said: ‘Is she a nice girl?’ He replied: ‘Yes.’ His comrade then said: ‘I would advise you to cut it out because there is a lot of rough stuff in there.’ ”
Lieutenant Colonel Schauffler, of the Army Medical Corps, who was the President’s physician when he was Governor of New Jersey, called to see me today. I took him in to see the President for few minutes. Schauffler told me that he had been a Republican all his life and voted the Republican ticket; that he had helped to elect Frelinghuysen as Senator from New Jersey, but that if he were to meet Frelinghuysen today he would hesitate even to speak to him, because of his un-American attitude towards the President, as well as his stand against the League of Nations.
I have been deeply impressed with the organized campaign of misrepresentation which apparently has set in in the United States while the President is completing his task over here. The United States Senate having very little to do, and with no facts at all before it, has been devoting its time ever since it organized for the special session to open debate on the League of Nations and on the Peace Treaty itself. The lack of efficient Democratic Senators was never so apparent as at the present time. Those men who should be in a position to defend the President’s course until such time as he is able fairly and competently to present it to the people have failed to do so. One of the most stupid exhibitions that has yet been shown was the speech of Senator Reed of Missouri in the Sdenate yesterday. Reed is notoriously opposed to the President-- for the reason that the President refused positively to allow Reed to name for office men in Missouri who were notoriously incapable and incompetent. In his criticism Reed appealed to the Southern and Western Democrats to oppose the League of Nations because he said it would put the white race in a minority. This talk is utterly stupid, but it seemed to carry considerable weight, and Senator Hitchcock, who essayed to answer, made it very plain from the moment he op that he was not very familiar with the League of Nations covenant. It is very plain that the President has a Herculaen task before him when he returns to the United States. The so-called League of Nations Committee, of which former President Taft is the head, has plainly permitted the opposition to carry the fight to them, with the result that they are now on the defensive, although there never was any necessity for this other than the stupidity on the part of certain members. In addition, it is very obvious from three thousand miles away that there is within the Democratic party a very strong minority that is afraid of the President and is hoping that something will happen to him because they want tot keep the control of the party within their own hands and are afraid of his fighting methods and his strength with the common people. The Republican party after being the party of protest without policy at last apparently has decided that it must do something to destroy the President’s influence with the people. This all adds to making it plain that when the President returns, he will have to go personally before the people, take them into his confidence, and show them just what actually happened over here and what a great task he has performed - one which every American must be proud of when the time comes that he really knows all of the facts.
At the afternoon session the Big Four was dissolved and the Council of Ten re-constituted. The reason for this was the absolute inability for the the Council of Four to reach an agreement on the terms of reparation which were to be demanded of Austria. It was not a question of money so far as Austria was concerned but rather a question of whether the various new republics which are to be constituted out of the territory that will be taken from the original Hapsburg Monarchy shall pay over pro-rata a share of the war’s cost as assessed by the economic experts. The Council of Four could not agree on this, and the Council of Ten did little better. The result was that it was decided to send the Austrian delegates notice that they would be furnished with copies of the proposed treaty on Friday at noon, but that it would not contain the military or economic clauses which would be filled in later on. The selection of Friday at noon somewhat embarrassed the President’s plans inasmuch as Friday is Memorial Day, and the President had arranged to speak at two o’clock in the afternoon at a cemetery just outside of Paris. However, it was proposed that the cemetery arrangements could be deferred until after the notification at St. Germain.
The President had dinner in Mrs. Wilson’s bed-room and retired early.
At the session of the Big Four this morning the question of what action should be taken in connection with Russia was again taken up. It was decided to send a confidential inquiry to Admiral Koltchak to learn what his intentions were, and especially as to the position he has taken relative to the question of the Constitutional Assembly. The message to Koltchak was in no sense one of recognition of his government, but was merely designed to pave the way for such action should it be deemed wise later on. Lloyd George and Clemenceau continue to urge that Koltchak should be recognized immediately, but the President’s position has been and will be that unless he can be assured that the Russian people themselves will determine the nature of the government there will be no recognition of any force in that country at this time. It is very likely that the reply will determine what further action the President will take. As a matter of fact, England is anxious that the Koltchak government should be recognized because she has been promised that all her claims and all her anti-war treaty obligations will be fulfilled. France is anxious that the Koltchak government shall be recognized because she has been assured that the Franco-Russian war debt will be assumed by the Koltchak government. And the Japanese are anxious that Koltchak should be recognized because they have assurances that he is friendly to their aspirations in Siberia.
I made arrangements to have a picture taken of the Big Four. It was taken at the close of the morning session. Lloyd George wanted me to join in the picture, which, of course, I did not do.
Clemenceau said to Lloyd George: “I have a letter for the Big Four from the chairman of the Japanese delegation. ” Lloyd George said: “What is the letter about?” Clemenceau shrugged his shoulders, and gesticulating with both hands, said: “Oh, it simply says that he loves us but thatghe doesn’t see half enough of us.” The Japanese are complaining that they are not given an opportunity to participate in the conference as often as they would like.
Mrs. Wilson is still confined to her bed but is improving and in excellent spirits. The President and I had lunch in her bed room. The President mentioned a number of things that transpired during the morning conference. After lunch I discussed various speakers with the President. Speaking of Daniel Webster, the President said that he never used any superfluous words, and that the President’s father, who was a great scholar, used to practice by taking some of Daniel Webster’s speeches to see if he could substitute other words to strengthen the speech. But never in his experience could he find one word that he could substitute and improve the meaning of the address.
After lunch the President had a conference with Wellington Koo, and at the conclusion of the conference, the President and I went to St. Cloud for an hour’s ride.
The President told me this story: “An American private soldier, in talking to another private soldier said: ‘I am taking a girl through the Louvre tomorrow afternoon.’ His comrade said to him: ‘Have you ever been there?”’ And he said: ‘No.’ He said: ‘Is she a nice girl?’ He replied: ‘Yes.’ His comrade then said: ‘I would advise you to cut it out because there is a lot of rough stuff in there.’ ”
Lieutenant Colonel Schauffler, of the Army Medical Corps, who was the President’s physician when he was Governor of New Jersey, called to see me today. I took him in to see the President for few minutes. Schauffler told me that he had been a Republican all his life and voted the Republican ticket; that he had helped to elect Frelinghuysen as Senator from New Jersey, but that if he were to meet Frelinghuysen today he would hesitate even to speak to him, because of his un-American attitude towards the President, as well as his stand against the League of Nations.
I have been deeply impressed with the organized campaign of misrepresentation which apparently has set in in the United States while the President is completing his task over here. The United States Senate having very little to do, and with no facts at all before it, has been devoting its time ever since it organized for the special session to open debate on the League of Nations and on the Peace Treaty itself. The lack of efficient Democratic Senators was never so apparent as at the present time. Those men who should be in a position to defend the President’s course until such time as he is able fairly and competently to present it to the people have failed to do so. One of the most stupid exhibitions that has yet been shown was the speech of Senator Reed of Missouri in the Sdenate yesterday. Reed is notoriously opposed to the President-- for the reason that the President refused positively to allow Reed to name for office men in Missouri who were notoriously incapable and incompetent. In his criticism Reed appealed to the Southern and Western Democrats to oppose the League of Nations because he said it would put the white race in a minority. This talk is utterly stupid, but it seemed to carry considerable weight, and Senator Hitchcock, who essayed to answer, made it very plain from the moment he op that he was not very familiar with the League of Nations covenant. It is very plain that the President has a Herculaen task before him when he returns to the United States. The so-called League of Nations Committee, of which former President Taft is the head, has plainly permitted the opposition to carry the fight to them, with the result that they are now on the defensive, although there never was any necessity for this other than the stupidity on the part of certain members. In addition, it is very obvious from three thousand miles away that there is within the Democratic party a very strong minority that is afraid of the President and is hoping that something will happen to him because they want tot keep the control of the party within their own hands and are afraid of his fighting methods and his strength with the common people. The Republican party after being the party of protest without policy at last apparently has decided that it must do something to destroy the President’s influence with the people. This all adds to making it plain that when the President returns, he will have to go personally before the people, take them into his confidence, and show them just what actually happened over here and what a great task he has performed - one which every American must be proud of when the time comes that he really knows all of the facts.
At the afternoon session the Big Four was dissolved and the Council of Ten re-constituted. The reason for this was the absolute inability for the the Council of Four to reach an agreement on the terms of reparation which were to be demanded of Austria. It was not a question of money so far as Austria was concerned but rather a question of whether the various new republics which are to be constituted out of the territory that will be taken from the original Hapsburg Monarchy shall pay over pro-rata a share of the war’s cost as assessed by the economic experts. The Council of Four could not agree on this, and the Council of Ten did little better. The result was that it was decided to send the Austrian delegates notice that they would be furnished with copies of the proposed treaty on Friday at noon, but that it would not contain the military or economic clauses which would be filled in later on. The selection of Friday at noon somewhat embarrassed the President’s plans inasmuch as Friday is Memorial Day, and the President had arranged to speak at two o’clock in the afternoon at a cemetery just outside of Paris. However, it was proposed that the cemetery arrangements could be deferred until after the notification at St. Germain.
The President had dinner in Mrs. Wilson’s bed-room and retired early.
Original Format
Diary
Files
Collection
Citation
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938, “Cary T. Grayson Diary,” 1919 May 27, WWP17178, Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.