Cary T. Grayson Diary
Title
Cary T. Grayson Diary
Creator
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938
Identifier
WWP17123
Date
1919 April 2
Source
Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library, Staunton, Virginia
Language
English
Text
The Council of Four resumed their sessions this morning, and we had another magnificent exhibition of the absolute impossibility of securing any action from the French. The question of the Rhine came up for consideration. This has been a very knotty problem from the start because the French have been insisting that there be should be created here a separate Rhinish Republic, which would act as a buffer state between Alsace-Lorraine and Germany proper. When the President told Clemenceau about a week ago that under no circumstance could the United States consent to the creation of any such alien country inasmuch as the residents of the Rhine district are entirely German in their thoughts and sympathies, they temporarily abandoned the plan. When they met today they brought up a new line. They wanted all of the fortifications on both sides of the Rhine razed completely. They wanted nothing of a military character on the left bank of the Rhine between Alsace-Lorraine and the Rhine while they wanted a permanent prohibition on the erection of landing platforms at any point along the Rhine on the right bank. The excuse that they gave was that they wanted to be prepared to offset any sudden attempt by Germany to raid France. Clemenceau persisted in his arguments not only for this action but for a renewed policy of confiscation designed against the Saar Valley metallurgical wealth. The result was that the President found himself up against an opposition that was subtle, disingenuous, and entirely erroneous.
The question also of sending the Polish troops into Poland via Dantzig was raised and Marshal Foch was present. The French plan, which was endorsed by the British, was to load these troops on vessels despite the great scarcity of shipping for foodstuffs and the grave necessity of saving time and sending them through the Skagarack via the Baltic to Dantzig, thereby wasting very, very valuable time. The President wanted to know why they could not be sent through Germany by rail, calling attention to the fact that such an arrangement was entirely equitable under one of the provisions of the League of Nations Constitution. He let it be known that there would be no objection from Germany if these troops were to pass through in that way. As a matter of fact, the Germans would very gladly have them transferred there rather than to transport them into Dantzig and create a situation there which would be fraught with great danger. However, Marshal Foch could not see the reason, and the President afterwards suggested that while he might be a wonderful military leader it was necessary to deal with him exactly as one would with a child in explaining all the fundamentals of a proposition of this sort. For more than an hour there was wrangling on the subject, and it required absolute insistence by the President, coupled with a sharp threat that he would not stand for any more nonsense to secure approval of this plan. The morning conference again emphasized that it was impossible for the President to secure the silent cooperation slightest cooperation from the French officials, who at the present time were misrepresenting the French people.
After the Polish Army transport problem was disposed of the question came up of how the German economic delegates, who arrived in France yesterday, were to communicate back and forth with their government. The original plan was that they would be quartered in a hotel in Versailles, and that the economic experts of the allied and associated governments would confer with them there, and that there would be freedom of communication back and forth. Today, however, Clemenceau said that he could not consent to this plan and that the delegates would be housed in an estate a chateau at Pont Sainte Maxence. The estate chateau which was assigned to them belonged to M. Jacques Stern, a Paris banker, and it had been entirely surrounded by French troops, who were guarding the German delegates. This chateau is inaccessible, being more than an hour out by fast automobile, and the change from Versailles was one that there seemed no apparent excuse. However, when the President broached the problem of how these men were to communicate freely with their own government in order to expedite business, he discovered to his amazement that the French and British wanted to place an absolute limitation. Their plan was that a French gendarme should be assigned to carry all the official reports from these delegates to German territory, and there turn them over to French German couriers to proceed the rest of the way to Berlin. The President demanded an explanation of why such a plan should be arranged. He said that they should have their own couriers and their own rights, exactly the rights and only the rights which are guaranteed under international law in connection with diplomatic correspondence. No real explanation was forthcoming from Clemenceau, and Lloyd-George declared that the President was entirely right. However, Clemenceau wanted to know what objection there could be to the French gendarmes being employed and was very promptly told that the great objection was that there would be no way of guaranteeing the inviolability of the despatches. As a matter of fact, from the very attitude of M. Clemenceau it was evident that the plan of the French government was to inspect all communications that were sent out before they were delivered to the German courier. The President emphatically declared that he would be no party to any proposition that was in any way in violation of international law and he demanded that the Germans be permitted to have their own courier, said courier to be accompanied if necessary in his journeys to and fro by the French gendarme if they (the French) were apprehensive that the Germans might do something contrary to law while in France. The French excuse had been that there was a possibility that the Germans might take advantage of their trips to inaugurate a system of espionage, to which the President demanded, with well-deserved sarcasm, what there was to be spied upon in these perilous days. The President was greatly incensed over the French attitude and, addressing himself directly to M. Clemenceau and Marshal Foch said: “Why, you are wasting hours over a minor proposition while all Europe is going to pieces. This is a matter that must be settled and settled right. The French finally artc consented to the plan proposed by the President, and the morning session broke up with practically the entire time having been wasted, and the President in the most angry mood that he has been in since he has arrived in France.
In the afternoon the President again met with the Council of Four. The morning conference had completely disturbed the President to such an extent that he was not prepared to go further into the Saar Valley question or any of the matters that directly affected the French, and Clemenceau was not present at the afternoon session. Clemenceau had a council of his ministers during this afternoon, and the other Commissioners informally considered the Belgian propositions. The request of the Belgian representatives for priority was emphasized by the two Belgian High Commissioners, who appeared before the Council, preparatory to the arrival in Paris of King Albert, who had evinced a desire to be heard in person.
While the President was at the Council meeting Mrs. Wilson visited the American Red Cross Tent City on the Champ-de-Mars. She was taken throughout the entire kitchen, and the Red Cross women explained to her the methods of preparing food. She was also shown an auto truck loaded with fresh apple pies. A French war cripple, who had lost an arm, presented her with a bouquet of flowers, tied with the French national colors. Mrs. Wilson was received at the Camp by Major Francis Boyer, of the Red Cross, and, before she left, at her own request, a large number of American soldiers who were standing by were brought over and presented to her, she shaking hands with them.
That evening the President worked on his papers in his private study until after 11:00 o’clock. Before he retired I treated his nose and throat.
The question also of sending the Polish troops into Poland via Dantzig was raised and Marshal Foch was present. The French plan, which was endorsed by the British, was to load these troops on vessels despite the great scarcity of shipping for foodstuffs and the grave necessity of saving time and sending them through the Skagarack via the Baltic to Dantzig, thereby wasting very, very valuable time. The President wanted to know why they could not be sent through Germany by rail, calling attention to the fact that such an arrangement was entirely equitable under one of the provisions of the League of Nations Constitution. He let it be known that there would be no objection from Germany if these troops were to pass through in that way. As a matter of fact, the Germans would very gladly have them transferred there rather than to transport them into Dantzig and create a situation there which would be fraught with great danger. However, Marshal Foch could not see the reason, and the President afterwards suggested that while he might be a wonderful military leader it was necessary to deal with him exactly as one would with a child in explaining all the fundamentals of a proposition of this sort. For more than an hour there was wrangling on the subject, and it required absolute insistence by the President, coupled with a sharp threat that he would not stand for any more nonsense to secure approval of this plan. The morning conference again emphasized that it was impossible for the President to secure the silent cooperation slightest cooperation from the French officials, who at the present time were misrepresenting the French people.
After the Polish Army transport problem was disposed of the question came up of how the German economic delegates, who arrived in France yesterday, were to communicate back and forth with their government. The original plan was that they would be quartered in a hotel in Versailles, and that the economic experts of the allied and associated governments would confer with them there, and that there would be freedom of communication back and forth. Today, however, Clemenceau said that he could not consent to this plan and that the delegates would be housed in an estate a chateau at Pont Sainte Maxence. The estate chateau which was assigned to them belonged to M. Jacques Stern, a Paris banker, and it had been entirely surrounded by French troops, who were guarding the German delegates. This chateau is inaccessible, being more than an hour out by fast automobile, and the change from Versailles was one that there seemed no apparent excuse. However, when the President broached the problem of how these men were to communicate freely with their own government in order to expedite business, he discovered to his amazement that the French and British wanted to place an absolute limitation. Their plan was that a French gendarme should be assigned to carry all the official reports from these delegates to German territory, and there turn them over to French German couriers to proceed the rest of the way to Berlin. The President demanded an explanation of why such a plan should be arranged. He said that they should have their own couriers and their own rights, exactly the rights and only the rights which are guaranteed under international law in connection with diplomatic correspondence. No real explanation was forthcoming from Clemenceau, and Lloyd-George declared that the President was entirely right. However, Clemenceau wanted to know what objection there could be to the French gendarmes being employed and was very promptly told that the great objection was that there would be no way of guaranteeing the inviolability of the despatches. As a matter of fact, from the very attitude of M. Clemenceau it was evident that the plan of the French government was to inspect all communications that were sent out before they were delivered to the German courier. The President emphatically declared that he would be no party to any proposition that was in any way in violation of international law and he demanded that the Germans be permitted to have their own courier, said courier to be accompanied if necessary in his journeys to and fro by the French gendarme if they (the French) were apprehensive that the Germans might do something contrary to law while in France. The French excuse had been that there was a possibility that the Germans might take advantage of their trips to inaugurate a system of espionage, to which the President demanded, with well-deserved sarcasm, what there was to be spied upon in these perilous days. The President was greatly incensed over the French attitude and, addressing himself directly to M. Clemenceau and Marshal Foch said: “Why, you are wasting hours over a minor proposition while all Europe is going to pieces. This is a matter that must be settled and settled right. The French finally artc consented to the plan proposed by the President, and the morning session broke up with practically the entire time having been wasted, and the President in the most angry mood that he has been in since he has arrived in France.
In the afternoon the President again met with the Council of Four. The morning conference had completely disturbed the President to such an extent that he was not prepared to go further into the Saar Valley question or any of the matters that directly affected the French, and Clemenceau was not present at the afternoon session. Clemenceau had a council of his ministers during this afternoon, and the other Commissioners informally considered the Belgian propositions. The request of the Belgian representatives for priority was emphasized by the two Belgian High Commissioners, who appeared before the Council, preparatory to the arrival in Paris of King Albert, who had evinced a desire to be heard in person.
While the President was at the Council meeting Mrs. Wilson visited the American Red Cross Tent City on the Champ-de-Mars. She was taken throughout the entire kitchen, and the Red Cross women explained to her the methods of preparing food. She was also shown an auto truck loaded with fresh apple pies. A French war cripple, who had lost an arm, presented her with a bouquet of flowers, tied with the French national colors. Mrs. Wilson was received at the Camp by Major Francis Boyer, of the Red Cross, and, before she left, at her own request, a large number of American soldiers who were standing by were brought over and presented to her, she shaking hands with them.
That evening the President worked on his papers in his private study until after 11:00 o’clock. Before he retired I treated his nose and throat.
Original Format
Diary
Files
Collection
Citation
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938, “Cary T. Grayson Diary,” 1919 April 2, WWP17123, Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.