Cary T. Grayson Diary
Title
Cary T. Grayson Diary
Creator
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938
Identifier
WWP17115
Date
1919 March 25
Source
Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library, Staunton, Virginia
Language
English
Text
The four heads of the Peace Conference took full charge of the preparation of the Peace Treaty today. Lloyd-George, Clemenceau and Orlando met with the President in the temporary White House for the purpose of disposing of the very troublesome question of indemnities. It had been arranged beforehand that all would have their figures ready so that it could be seen whether they could be adjusted along a fair, average line and worked out in a manner which would meet the wishes of all concerned. The President furnished the figures for the United States, being the first to lay them upon the table. Lloyd-George followed with those of Great Britain; then came Orlando’s turn. The trio then waited for Clemenceau to present France’s figures, inasmuch as Clemenceau objected to the size of the amounts fixed by each of the three. He took the position that they were far too small, and so he was asked to furnish those which he had prepared for France. It then developed that the French plan of delay was still working overtime. Not only did Clemenceau have no figures, but he apparently had no definite knowledge of what he wanted. He said that he would have to get France’s estimates from his Minister of Finance, but the Minister of Finance was not there. The result of this maneuver on the part of the French Premier was absolutely to nullify the effect of the morning conference, and still further to waste the time of the President and the other Peace Commissioners, despite the fact that the situation was growing more and more critical throughout Europe. When the President found that this time had been wasted, he talked very frankly, addressing his remarks chiefly to Premier Clemenceau, declaring that it was a crime to waste time when every hour meant so much to the settlement of world conditions along proper lines. He declared that the world was on fire and that it now was a race between law and order and anarchy, and that every minute lost assisted the forces of unrest.
The President said that there were many things in the Bolshevik program that he could almost agree to. Of course, he declared their campaign of murder, confiscation and complete disregard for law, merits the utmost condemnation. However, some of their doctrines have been declared developed entirely through the pressure of the capitalists, who have disregarded the rights of the workers everywhere, and he warned all of his colleagues that if the Bolshevikis should became sane and agree to a policy of law and order they would soon spread all over Europe, overturning existing governments.
The President told Premier Clemenceau that his demands were impossible, inasmuch as in order to meet them Germany would be forced to put into effect a taxation that could hardly be paid. He said that the German people could be expected not to stand for a burden that would grind them down for fifty years, and then bye a legacy to be passed on to their children. Rather than do that they would turn to anything - Bolshevism, or something which would promise them relief. He said that he believed Germany should be made to pay as much as it was possible for her to pay, but that she would have to have her status retained and be permitted to continue as a nation.
“Don’t you see,” the President asked Clemenceau, “that the very program that you propose to impose, carrying with it an excessive burden of taxation for generations, would be the greatest encouragement that could be held out to the German people to go over to Bolshevism? Your very program if put forth simply plays into the hands of the Bolsheviki leaders, and, frankly, I cannot say that I would blame the German people, who are being slowly poisoned by the circulation of Bolshevist doctrines, if they would go over to Bolshevism as an alternative from a burden of unjust taxation which could not be paid.” The President explained to Premier Clemenceau that he sympathized very deeply with the French people and with the opposition of the Clemenceau government. He said that he had visited the devastated region and had seen with his own eyes the very distressing scenes there, which he characterized as distressing beyond expression, but he pointed out that it was the duty of himself and his colleagues at the present time to endeavor to bring about permanent peace conditions which will be for the benefit of the entire world. He said that it was not wise to see red because of the distress of those who had suffered in the past but that it was clearly the duty of the commission as members delegated to carry on a great task to establish justice and right upon which the future peace of the world could rest. He pointed out they were sitting as judges and that they agreed that the past had been dreadful. However, he let it be known that if they were to make horrible conditions again they would simply bring back the very conditions which had made for the war and all that went with it. If Germany was to be completely crushed the result must be that a condition of sympathy would be created for her which later on would result in the same conditions prevailing so far as Germany was concerned that prevailed for France before the present war, and naturally would result in another war.
In the afternoon the Big Four went to the Quai d’Orsay, where they received first-hand reports on the actual conditions prevailing in Russia. General Thwaites of the British Army and Field Marshal Foch presented their last re- latest reports showing exactly the disposition of the Bolshevists armies at the strategical points where they could be utilized in any effort to aid hunger where the Soviet had assumed control.
I had luncheon Tuesday with Frank H. Hitchcock, former Chairman of the Republican National Committee, and former Postmaster General under President Taft. Mr. Hitchcock and I were old friends and he talked rather frankly of conditions in the United States, and especially of the Republican opposition to the League of Nations. Mr. Hitchcock was entirely out of sympathy with the Republican opposition. Taking up the manner in which it was being handled by the present Republican Chairman, he said that he (Hitchcock) had been in part responsible for the selection of Mr. Will Hayes, but that Mr. Hayes had been raised in a small town and had lived in that small town the greater part of his life and grown to it. When he left the small town for the larger city just a few years ago, he retained his native town growth. As a matter of fact, Mr. Hitchcock’s position was that any man who put party politics before the welfare of their country, or who would utilize party politics to prevent the country taking its proper place in history was not a very good citizen. Hitchcock said that Mr. Hayes’ position was a deep disappointment to him, and he attributed it more or less to provincialism. He said that apparently Mr. Hayes wanted a policy of nationalism rather than internationalism, and this was due entirely to his failure to realize the broad questions involved at the present time. He said the President by the masterly way in which he has been handling the great problems of the Peace Conference was entitled to the patriotic support of every loyal American. He said that every American should want to see the United States take a broad pl the broad place to which it is entitled in history at the present time, and that he considered it very poor politics to oppose the President merely for political reasons at the present moment.
The President remained home tonight and he and I talked at some length. Discussing styles of oratory, I asked the President whether he himself had adopted any particular style or any special rule for public speaking. He said that he had made it his plan to follow the ornament of construction rather than the construction of ornament in all of his speeches. In other words, by the ornament of construction he tried to put his facts in plain, concise, simple and direct language so that any man listening could grasp his meaning quickly and understand all that he was trying to say. He said that he had found this method by far more efficacious than through the construction of ornament plan, which depended for its effectiveness on the use of beautiful, flowery language. He said that the construction of ornament class carrying with it flowing speech based rather upon beautiful words and phrases than upon actual logic was not particularly effective. He likened it to the odor of a sweet flower which soon passes away in the atmosphere. Such speech not being lasting to the ear could hardly be impressive to the mind.
The President said that there were many things in the Bolshevik program that he could almost agree to. Of course, he declared their campaign of murder, confiscation and complete disregard for law, merits the utmost condemnation. However, some of their doctrines have been declared developed entirely through the pressure of the capitalists, who have disregarded the rights of the workers everywhere, and he warned all of his colleagues that if the Bolshevikis should became sane and agree to a policy of law and order they would soon spread all over Europe, overturning existing governments.
The President told Premier Clemenceau that his demands were impossible, inasmuch as in order to meet them Germany would be forced to put into effect a taxation that could hardly be paid. He said that the German people could be expected not to stand for a burden that would grind them down for fifty years, and then bye a legacy to be passed on to their children. Rather than do that they would turn to anything - Bolshevism, or something which would promise them relief. He said that he believed Germany should be made to pay as much as it was possible for her to pay, but that she would have to have her status retained and be permitted to continue as a nation.
“Don’t you see,” the President asked Clemenceau, “that the very program that you propose to impose, carrying with it an excessive burden of taxation for generations, would be the greatest encouragement that could be held out to the German people to go over to Bolshevism? Your very program if put forth simply plays into the hands of the Bolsheviki leaders, and, frankly, I cannot say that I would blame the German people, who are being slowly poisoned by the circulation of Bolshevist doctrines, if they would go over to Bolshevism as an alternative from a burden of unjust taxation which could not be paid.” The President explained to Premier Clemenceau that he sympathized very deeply with the French people and with the opposition of the Clemenceau government. He said that he had visited the devastated region and had seen with his own eyes the very distressing scenes there, which he characterized as distressing beyond expression, but he pointed out that it was the duty of himself and his colleagues at the present time to endeavor to bring about permanent peace conditions which will be for the benefit of the entire world. He said that it was not wise to see red because of the distress of those who had suffered in the past but that it was clearly the duty of the commission as members delegated to carry on a great task to establish justice and right upon which the future peace of the world could rest. He pointed out they were sitting as judges and that they agreed that the past had been dreadful. However, he let it be known that if they were to make horrible conditions again they would simply bring back the very conditions which had made for the war and all that went with it. If Germany was to be completely crushed the result must be that a condition of sympathy would be created for her which later on would result in the same conditions prevailing so far as Germany was concerned that prevailed for France before the present war, and naturally would result in another war.
In the afternoon the Big Four went to the Quai d’Orsay, where they received first-hand reports on the actual conditions prevailing in Russia. General Thwaites of the British Army and Field Marshal Foch presented their last re- latest reports showing exactly the disposition of the Bolshevists armies at the strategical points where they could be utilized in any effort to aid hunger where the Soviet had assumed control.
I had luncheon Tuesday with Frank H. Hitchcock, former Chairman of the Republican National Committee, and former Postmaster General under President Taft. Mr. Hitchcock and I were old friends and he talked rather frankly of conditions in the United States, and especially of the Republican opposition to the League of Nations. Mr. Hitchcock was entirely out of sympathy with the Republican opposition. Taking up the manner in which it was being handled by the present Republican Chairman, he said that he (Hitchcock) had been in part responsible for the selection of Mr. Will Hayes, but that Mr. Hayes had been raised in a small town and had lived in that small town the greater part of his life and grown to it. When he left the small town for the larger city just a few years ago, he retained his native town growth. As a matter of fact, Mr. Hitchcock’s position was that any man who put party politics before the welfare of their country, or who would utilize party politics to prevent the country taking its proper place in history was not a very good citizen. Hitchcock said that Mr. Hayes’ position was a deep disappointment to him, and he attributed it more or less to provincialism. He said that apparently Mr. Hayes wanted a policy of nationalism rather than internationalism, and this was due entirely to his failure to realize the broad questions involved at the present time. He said the President by the masterly way in which he has been handling the great problems of the Peace Conference was entitled to the patriotic support of every loyal American. He said that every American should want to see the United States take a broad pl the broad place to which it is entitled in history at the present time, and that he considered it very poor politics to oppose the President merely for political reasons at the present moment.
The President remained home tonight and he and I talked at some length. Discussing styles of oratory, I asked the President whether he himself had adopted any particular style or any special rule for public speaking. He said that he had made it his plan to follow the ornament of construction rather than the construction of ornament in all of his speeches. In other words, by the ornament of construction he tried to put his facts in plain, concise, simple and direct language so that any man listening could grasp his meaning quickly and understand all that he was trying to say. He said that he had found this method by far more efficacious than through the construction of ornament plan, which depended for its effectiveness on the use of beautiful, flowery language. He said that the construction of ornament class carrying with it flowing speech based rather upon beautiful words and phrases than upon actual logic was not particularly effective. He likened it to the odor of a sweet flower which soon passes away in the atmosphere. Such speech not being lasting to the ear could hardly be impressive to the mind.
Original Format
Diary
Files
Collection
Citation
Grayson, Cary T. (Cary Travers), 1878-1938, “Cary T. Grayson Diary,” 1919 March 25, WWP17115, Cary T. Grayson Papers, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.