William H. Irwin to Woodrow Wilson

Title

William H. Irwin to Woodrow Wilson

Creator

William H. Irwin

Identifier

WWP22427

Date

1918 July 1

Source

Library of Congress, Woodrow Wilson Papers, 1786-1957

Text

GEORGE CREEL, CHAIRMAN
THE SECRETARY OF STATE
THE SECRETARY OF WAR
THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY

MEMORANDUM TO THE PRESIDENT:The following has just been received from Captain Merriam, our representative abroad, who has taken pains to keep himself exceptionally well informed and who has, in my opinion, the best political judgment of any of our foreign representatives:"DEMOCRATIC IDEALS.The development of the work of the Committee on Public Information on democratic lines is not wholly a simple problem; and must be studied with great care in order to avoid unfortunate effects. Officially of course the Italian Government welcomes American propaganda and the statement of America's war aims whether by the President or others; but in fact there are conflicting tendencies at work here, and some of them are not at all friendly to the spreading of the democratic idea. Some influences are exclusively imperialistic and monarchical, and frown upon any discussion of democracy; while others are afraid of the development of the democratic idea during the War fearing the outbreak of Revolution in some form.

The editor of the "Secolo" (Milan) stated to me that much of the antagonism to the French (Francophobia) was encouraged by the Government which feared that if Italy became too friendly with France she might want to adopt the same form of government. Of course this is probably an overstatement; but there is perhaps a grain of truth in it; and it is well to take note of it. He said in effect: "Go ahead and preach President Wilson's democratic ideas. The people want to hear them, if the Government does not." "And nobody will dare make any protest against what he says."Another straw is this: The Florence "La Nazone" said April 30, 1918 "If all democratic principles should be destroyed by our victory, all the worse for democratic principles. What we need above all, so it seems to us, is victory."In the discussion of the American attitude toward Russia this feeling is manifested in a good many quarters, where sympathy with democracy is weak.

A high official of the Italian Government in Sonnino's office said to me in effect: "The European Governments are willing to take American men, her money, her munitions, her food, her moral support through the preaching of democracy and universal peace; but in the end, at the peace settlement, they expect to have their way. They are willing to allow us to talk democracy as a war measure, but they intend to have "no nonsense" in the finish. (He did not sympathise with this view of things himself) He said, however, that the President could make peace terms on his own basis, that is on a democratic basis, but that he would have to go over the heads of the governments representatives and appeal to their people. He urged us to beware of secret diplomacy in the meshes of which we would be lost, since the whole force of America lies in the open appeal to the democratic spirit common to the allied states.

In this sense America bears a tremendous load of responsibility; and unless the very greatest care is taken we will sink under the burden; and fall into the imperialistic train. America stands not only for democracy but for all the unrealized ideals of many of the European peoples; and they must not be disillusioned.

I cannot help feeling -- and Hearley shares this sentiment with me -- that the Government here is not very anxious to have our propaganda go ahead on the democratic side. I do not mean that they would openly block it. Things are not done that way. But they do not all welcome it; and would be better pleased if we left it alone; and confined ourselves to the more nationalistic and imperialistic lines followed by the English and French in their work.

The President, however, is an idol among the Italian people. He has inspired their confidence in a wonderful way and they cling to his words in an amazing fashion. For that reason all of his speeches have the very greatest value. They are printed in the journals and can be circulated in other ways. A democratic speech by the President on the Fourth of July, reaffirming much of what he has already said and drawing the line between the free democratic peoples and the autocracies, would make a deep impression. If the people think at any time that he has abandoned the democratic view for the military, his influence, and American influence, will be destroyed, except in a military way.

It is essential to have speakers who are genuinely democratic and who can breathe something of the democratic spirit of the nations war policy. They are apt to forget what the folks at home are really fighting about. This is particularly true of those who have been in Italy for some time. As soon as our speakers arrive in sufficient number to make possible an organized campaign, I shall give them instructions on the general line of argument to be followed. I shall try to hold them to something like a uniform type of argument, making allowance of course for the differences in classes of people to whom their arguments are addressed.

Our news service at home should lose no opportunity to develop the democratic point of view. This should be studied with a view to keeping it in line with the lofty spirit of the American people in this struggle. The materialistic tone should not predominate in the news service. In fact it has not thus far; and I am merely putting this as a precaution."

Original Format

Report

To

Wilson, Woodrow, 1856-1924

Files

http://resources.presidentwilson.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/WWI1064.pdf

Collection

Citation

William H. Irwin, “William H. Irwin to Woodrow Wilson,” 1918 July 1, WWP22427, World War I Letters, Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library & Museum, Staunton, Virginia.