Gilbert Monell Hitchcock to Woodrow Wilson

Permit me to put before you in writing the objections to a declaration of war at this time or to a declaration that a state of war exists.
First, either declaration would be a change of policy within four weeks without a change of conditions and a practical confession that your recommendation and our attempt in Congress to act under it were mistakes. If wrong now armed neutrality was wrong March 4 when we sought to authorize it. The sinking of a few ships since that time does not constitute a change in conditions.
Second, we have not tried armed neutrality or tested it. We have hardly entered upon it. Germany at this time does not even know officially that the country is united behind you in adopting it. We have not lost an armed merchantman or even finished the work of arming them.
If we give armed neutrality a test there is a possibility that Germany may yet abandon her policy of attacking neutrals or that it may be sufficient to protect our commerce and vindicate our neutral rights. At the worst, if it fails, there will then be opportunity to recognize the inevitable, and those who now oppose war will to a large extent be willing to accept it as the only alternative.
Third, a declaration of war at this time will give an enormous impulse to influences which are increasing the cost of living in this country. The effect upon millions of our people who live upon wages, salaries and small fixed incomes would be distressing and disturbing. We may well anticipate strikes and disorders followed by further increases in the cost of living. Farmers who already find difficulty in getting help will be still further embarrassed and more of the population will be drawn from the country into the cities.
If the war continues two years we will be confronted by a world famine. We did not last year in the United States raise enough wheat for the American people. The Argentine Republic, whose chief export is wheat, has just placed an embargo upon its exportation.
Fourth, public sentiment does not yet call for war or even justify it for the protection of American interests or the vindication of America.
The dominant war sentiment is confined largely to the east where it has been to a large extent inspired by business interests and promoted by organized propaganda. I am aware that there is a strong desire for war among business leaders who lick their chops in eager anticipation of war profits and bond sales. Throughout the rest of the country the real hope is to avoid war as long as possible. The heart of the American people has not been stirred by any recent occurrences. The mass of the people do not believe that America is in danger. They do not believe that American honor can only be vindicated by war, and they do not believe that Germany is trying to make war on us.
If we declare war now it will be due to your influence as the head of the nation and not to a war spirit or war desire among the people. We will be compelled to arouse that spirit afterwards.
Congress is to be in session for some months at least. Why not content ourselves for the present by promptly and unanimously passing a measure commending and approving your action in putting the country in a state of armed neutrality and authorizing whatever may be necessary to prepare on land and sea for a resort to war in case armed neutrality shall prove insufficient? Why not delay the evil of war as far as possible and cling to the last moment to the hope for peace?